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美國英語演講稿模板(20篇范文)

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美國英語演講稿模板

美國競選英語演講稿 模板1

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my friends:

this is not a fireside chat on war. it is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your president is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of american independence, and all of the things that american independence means to you and to me and to ours.

tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. it was a time when the wheels of american industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. i well remember that while i sat in my study in the white house, preparing to talk with the people of the united states, i had before my eyes the picture of all those americans with whom i was talking. i saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their life"s savings. i tried to convey to the great mass of american people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.

tonight, i want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces america. we met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. we face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. never before since jamestown and plymouth rock has our american civilization been in such danger as now. for on september 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed in berlin, three powerful nations, two in europe and one in asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the united states of america interfered with or blocked the e_pansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the united states.

the nazi masters of germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of europe, and then to use the resources of europe to dominate the rest of the world. it was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: "there are two worlds that stand opposed to each other." and then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: "others are correct when they say: "with this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves.""" i can beat any other power in the world." so said the leader of the nazis.

in other words, the a_is not merely admits but the a_is proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. in view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the united states has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.

at this moment the forces of the states that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. the germans and the italians are being blocked on the other side of the atlantic by the british and by the greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. in asia the japanese are being engaged by the chinese nation in another great defense. in the pacific ocean is our fleet.

some of our people like to believe that wars in europe and in asia are of no concern to us. but it is a matter of most vital concern to us that european and asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. one hundred and seventeen years ago the monroe doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in continental europe. thereafter, we stood guard in the atlantic, with the british as neighbors. there was no treaty. there was no "unwritten agreement." and yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. and the fact is that during the whole of this time the western hemisphere has remained free from aggression from europe or from asia.

does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the americas while a free britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the atlantic? and does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the a_is powers were our neighbors there? if great britain goes down, the a_is powers will control the continents of europe, asia, africa, austral-asia, and the high seas. and they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. it is no e_aggeration to say that all of us in all the americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with e_plosive bullets, economic as well as military. we should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. and to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.

some of us like to believe that even if britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad e_panse of the atlantic and of the pacific. but the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. at one point between africa and brazil the distance is less than it is from washington to denver, colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. and at the north end of the pacific ocean, america and asia almost touch each other. why, even today we have planes that could fly from the british isles to new england and back again without refueling. and remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.

during the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. almost all of them e_pressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. one telegram, however, e_pressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil e_ists. that telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our american cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this western hemisphere. the gist of that telegram was: "please, mr. president, don"t frighten us by telling us the facts." frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. but we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.

some nations of europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with germany. other nations were assured by germany that they need never fear invasion. nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hour"s notice -- or even without any notice at all. as an e_iled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, "the notice was a minus quantity. it was given to my government two hours after german troops had poured into my country in a hundred places." the fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a nazi gun.

the nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. one of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of "restoring order." another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the e_cuse that they are "protecting it" against the aggression of somebody else. for e_ample, germany has said that she was occupying belgium to save the belgians from the british. would she then hesitate to say to any south american country: "we are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the united states"? belgium today is being used as an invasion base against britain, now fighting for its life. and any south american country, in nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for german attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.

analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to germany if the nazis won. could ireland hold out? would irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet e_ception in an unfree world? or the islands of the azores, which still fly the flag of portugal after five centuries? you and i think of hawaii as an outpost of defense in the pacific. and yet the azores are closer to our shores in the atlantic than hawaii is on the other side.

there are those who say that the a_is powers would never have any desire to attack the western hemisphere. that is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. the plain facts are that the nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. and most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this american hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.

let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates. your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. they seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. they try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. they try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. they are active in every group that promotes intolerance. they e_ploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. these trouble-breeders have but one purpose. it is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.

there are also american citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. i do not charge these american citizens with being foreign agents. but i do charge them with doing e_actly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the united states. these people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. some of them go much further than that. they say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the a_is powers. some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. but americans never can and never will do that.

the e_perience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the nazis. no man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. there can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. there can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. we know now that a nation can have peace with the nazis only at the price of total surrender. even the people of italy have been forced to become accomplices of the nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.

the american appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of austria, czechoslovakia, poland, norway, belgium, the netherlands, denmark, and france. they tell you that the a_is powers are going to win anyway; that all of this bloodshed in the world could be saved, that the united states might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace and get the best out of it that we can. they call it a "negotiated peace." nonsense! is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of e_termination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? for such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. it would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in all history. and in these contests the americas would offer the only real resistance to the a_is power. with all their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of god in chains.

the history of recent years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. they may talk of a "new order" in the world, but what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. in that there is no liberty, no religion, no hope. the proposed "new order" is the very opposite of a united states of europe or a united states of asia. it is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. it is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. it is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and to enslave the human race.

the british people and their allies today are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. our own future security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. our ability to "keep out of war" is going to be affected by that outcome. thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, i make the direct statement to the american people that there is far less chance of the united states getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the a_is than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an a_is victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later on.

if we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. but i deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that i advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future.

the people of europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting. they ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. emphatically, we must get these weapons to them, get them to them in sufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.

let not the defeatists tell us that it is too late. it will never be earlier. tomorrow will be later than today.

certain facts are self-evident.

in a military sense great britain and the british empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. and they are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. there is no demand for sending an american e_peditionary force outside our own borders. there is no intention by any member of your government to send such a force. you can therefore, nail, nail any talk about sending armies to europe as deliberate untruth. our national policy is not directed toward war. its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.

democracy"s fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the united states and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. and it is no more un-neutral for us to do that than it is for sweden, russia, and other nations near germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into germany every day in the week.

we are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of britain and the other free nations which are resisting aggression. this is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. it is a matter of realistic, practical military policy, based on the advice of our military e_perts who are in close touch with e_isting warfare. these military and naval e_perts and the members of the congress and the administration have a single-minded purpose: the defense of the united states.

this nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. and this great effort requires great sacrifice. i would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend every one in the nation against want and privation. the strength of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens. if our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers.

as the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right to e_pect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense. the worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or the manager or the owner. for the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. the nation e_pects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. it e_pects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. and on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living.

nine days ago i announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase the production of munitions. the appropriation of vast sums of money and a well-coordinated e_ecutive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. guns, planes, ships and many other things have to be built in the factories and the arsenals of america. they have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land. in this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the government and industry and labor. and i am very thankful.

american industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into action. manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, of linotypes and cash registers and automobiles, and sewing machines and lawn mowers and locomotives, are now making fuses and bomb packing crates and telescope mounts and shells and pistols and tanks.

but all of our present efforts are not enough. we must have more ships, more guns, more planes -- more of everything. and this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of "business as usual." this job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the e_isting productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense. our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. the possible consequences of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. and after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country"s peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity, if not still more. no pessimistic policy about the future of america shall delay the immediate e_pansion of those industries essential to defense. we need them.

i want to make it clear that it is the purpose of the nation to build now with all possible speed every machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. we have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. i am confident that if and when production of consumer or lu_ury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that are essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield, and will gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose.

so i appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. with this appeal i give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same whole-hearted e_tent to the great task that lies ahead.

as planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your government, with its defense e_perts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this hemisphere. the decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must be made on the basis of our overall military necessities.

we must be the great arsenal of democracy.

for us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. we must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war.

we have furnished the british great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. there will be no "bottlenecks" in our determination to aid great britain. no dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination. the british have received invaluable military support from the heroic greek army and from the forces of all the governments in e_ile. their strength is growing. it is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.

i believe that the a_is powers are not going to win this war. i base that belief on the latest and best of information.

we have no e_cuse for defeatism. we have every good reason for hope -- hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. i have the profound conviction that the american people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.

美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福演講稿:

我的朋友們:

這不是戰(zhàn)爭的爐邊談話。這是關(guān)于國家安全的講話;因?yàn)槟銈兊目偨y(tǒng)的目的,關(guān)鍵是要保持現(xiàn)在的你,和你的孩子后,你的孫子要晚得多,從最后的戰(zhàn)爭來維護(hù)美國的獨(dú)立,和所有的事情,美國的獨(dú)立性意味著你和我,我們的。

今晚,面對世界性危機(jī),我的思緒又回到了八年前的一個(gè)晚上的國內(nèi)危機(jī)之中。當(dāng)時(shí)的美國工業(yè)的車輪被磨到完全停止時(shí),我們整個(gè)國家的銀行體系已停止功能。我清楚地記得,當(dāng)我坐在我的研究在白宮,準(zhǔn)備在美國的人的談話中,我曾在我的眼前所有美國人的圖片的人我是說。我看到工人們在米爾斯,礦山,工廠,柜臺(tái)后面的女孩,小掌柜,農(nóng)民做他的春耕,寡婦和老男人不知道自己一生的積蓄。我試圖傳達(dá)給美國人民銀行危機(jī)對他們意味著什么在他們的日常生活,大眾。

今晚,我想做同樣的事情,與相同的人,在這個(gè)新的危機(jī),面臨美國。我們遇到了1933的勇氣和現(xiàn)實(shí)問題。我們面臨新的危機(jī),這對我們國家安全的新威脅,以同樣的勇氣和現(xiàn)實(shí)主義。以前從來沒有從詹姆斯敦和普利茅斯搖滾我們的美國文明現(xiàn)在是危險(xiǎn)。在今年的1940年9月27日————在柏林簽署了一項(xiàng)協(xié)議,三個(gè)強(qiáng)大的國家,兩個(gè)在歐洲和亞洲,連接起來的威脅,如果美國對美國的干擾或阻止這三個(gè)國家的擴(kuò)張計(jì)劃——一項(xiàng)旨在控制世界——他們會(huì)團(tuán)結(jié)在最終的行動(dòng)反對美國。

納粹德國的主子們明確表示,他們打算不僅主宰一切的生活和他們自己國家的思想,但也使整個(gè)歐洲,然后利用歐洲的資源來統(tǒng)治世界。它只有三個(gè)星期前,他們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人說:"有兩個(gè)世界,反對對方。"然后在挑釁的回答他的對手,他說:"別人都正確時(shí),他們說:"這個(gè)世界上我們永遠(yuǎn)無法調(diào)和自己。""我可以擊敗任何其他權(quán)力在世界上。"納粹的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人這樣說。

換句話說,軸不僅僅承認(rèn),但軸宣稱,最終沒有可和平之間的哲學(xué)——他們的哲學(xué)的政府——和我們的政府理念。在這個(gè)不可否認(rèn)的威脅的性質(zhì)來看,可以說,正確和絕對,認(rèn)為美國沒有任何權(quán)利或理由鼓勵(lì)談?wù)摵推街钡奖禺?dāng)有對侵略國部分明確意圖放棄所有的控制或征服世界的思想。

作為美國總統(tǒng),我呼吁國家的努力。我叫它在這個(gè)國家,我們的愛和尊敬,我們很榮幸和驕傲的服務(wù)名稱。我號召我們的人民有絕對的信心,我們共同的事業(yè)將極大的成功。

在這一時(shí)刻,所有人都聯(lián)合起來反對自由生活正在舉行遠(yuǎn)離海岸的美國軍隊(duì)。德國人和意大利人被封鎖在大西洋彼岸的英國,由希臘人,以及數(shù)以千計(jì)的士兵和水手得以逃脫被征服的國家。在亞洲,日本正被另一個(gè)偉大的中華民族從事國防。在太平洋艦隊(duì)。

我們中的一些人認(rèn)為,戰(zhàn)爭在歐洲和亞洲,我們都不關(guān)心。但這是一個(gè)最重要的關(guān)注,美國,歐洲和亞洲的戰(zhàn)爭者不應(yīng)獲得導(dǎo)致這個(gè)半球海洋控制。一百一十七年前,夢露主義的構(gòu)思是由我國政府在威脅這個(gè)半球的聯(lián)盟在歐洲大陸面臨的防御措施。此后,我們守在大西洋,與英國的鄰居。沒有條約。沒有不成文的協(xié)議。"但有感覺,被歷史證明是正確的,我們的鄰居會(huì)在和平的方式解決爭議。而事實(shí)上,此時(shí)的西半球始終沒有來自歐洲和亞洲的侵略的整個(gè)期間。

有沒有人真的相信,我們需要擔(dān)心的攻擊在美洲任何地方而自由英國仍然是我們最強(qiáng)大的海軍在大西洋的鄰居?有人相信,在另一方面,我們可以放心如果軸心國是我們的鄰居那里嗎?如果英國下山,軸心國將控制歐洲大陸,亞洲,非洲,亞洲和南半球,公海。他們將在一個(gè)位置,帶來了巨大的軍事和海軍資源對這個(gè)半球。毫不夸張地說,在所有美洲我們都將生活在槍口——槍裝滿炸藥的子彈,經(jīng)濟(jì)以及軍事。我們要進(jìn)入這整個(gè)世界的一個(gè)新的和可怕的時(shí)代,我們的大腦半球在內(nèi),將由武力威脅。而在這樣一個(gè)世界生存下去,我們必須改變自己的永久戰(zhàn)爭的經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)上軍國主義的力量。

我們中的一些人認(rèn)為,即使英國的瀑布,我們?nèi)匀皇前踩?,因?yàn)楹棋拇笪餮蠛吞窖蟆5@些海洋寬度不在三桅帆船的日子是什么。在一個(gè)點(diǎn)在非洲和巴西之間的距離是小于它是從華盛頓到丹佛,科羅拉多州,為轟炸機(jī)的最新型的五小時(shí)。在太平洋的北端,美國和亞洲幾乎相互接觸。為什么,甚至今天我們能飛的飛機(jī)從英國到新英格蘭再不加油。記住:現(xiàn)代轟炸機(jī)范圍日益增加。

在過去的一周在全國各地有很多人告訴我,他們希望我說今晚。幾乎所有的人都表達(dá)了一個(gè)勇敢的渴望聽到有關(guān)形勢的嚴(yán)峻事實(shí)。然而一封電報(bào),表達(dá),誰想要非禮勿視、非禮勿聽少數(shù)的態(tài)度,即使他們在心里知道,邪惡的存在。那封電報(bào)請求我不要告訴了我們與緩解美國城市可以被任何敵對勢力已經(jīng)在這個(gè)西半球獲得基地轟炸。這封電報(bào)大意是:"請你,總統(tǒng)先生,不要嚇唬我們告訴我們的事實(shí)。"老實(shí)說,肯定是前面有危險(xiǎn)——危險(xiǎn)對我們必須做好準(zhǔn)備。但我們知道,我們不能逃避危險(xiǎn),或?qū)ξkU(xiǎn)的恐懼,爬行到床上,把被子蒙住頭。

歐洲一些國家的不干涉協(xié)定莊嚴(yán)德國束縛。其他國家是德國的保證永遠(yuǎn)不必?fù)?dān)憂入侵。不干涉協(xié)定或不,事實(shí)上,他們被攻擊,超限,扔到現(xiàn)代奴隸制一小時(shí)通知——甚至沒有注意到這一切。作為一個(gè)流亡領(lǐng)袖之一,這些國家說一天我,"通知負(fù)量。這是給我的政府后,德國軍隊(duì)已經(jīng)涌入我國一百處兩個(gè)小時(shí)"。這些國家的命運(yùn)告訴我們,生活在納粹的槍口意味著什么。

納粹已經(jīng)由各種虔誠的欺詐行為。一個(gè)騙子是聲稱他們正處在一個(gè)國家為目的的"恢復(fù)秩序"。另一個(gè)原因是,他們占有或控制的國家,他們借口"保護(hù)"對別人的侵略。例如,德國已經(jīng)表示,她是從英國占領(lǐng)比利時(shí)挽救比利時(shí)。她會(huì)再猶豫說任何南美國家:"我們正處在你保護(hù)你免遭美國的侵略?比利時(shí)今天是作為反對英國侵略基地,現(xiàn)在戰(zhàn)斗的生活。和其他南美國家,在納粹手中,總是會(huì)構(gòu)成一個(gè)跳發(fā)生在這個(gè)半球的其它共和國的任何一個(gè)德國的進(jìn)攻。

你們兩個(gè)其他地方未來的分析更近,如果到德國納粹贏得。就愛爾蘭呢?將愛爾蘭自由被允許在不自由的世界,一個(gè)驚人的寵物例外?或亞速爾群島的島嶼,它還飛葡萄牙國旗經(jīng)過五個(gè)世紀(jì)?你和我認(rèn)為夏威夷是太平洋地區(qū)的防御前哨。然而,亞速爾群島是大西洋更接近我們的海岸到夏威夷的另一邊。

有人說,軸心國,不會(huì)有任何攻擊欲望西半球。那是一廂情愿的破壞了許多被征服民族抵抗力量同樣危險(xiǎn)的形式。簡單的事實(shí)是,納粹黨已經(jīng)宣布,一次又一次,所有其他種族都是他們的人因此受到他們的命令。最重要的是,廣大富饒的美洲是所有的一輪世界最誘人的戰(zhàn)利品。

讓我們不再盲目的自己,已壓碎破壞和損壞的很多人已經(jīng)在我們自己的大門的邪惡勢力不可否認(rèn)的事實(shí)。你的政府對他們很了解,每一天都是找出這些錯(cuò)誤。他們的秘密使者都是我們自己和周邊國家的活動(dòng)。他們試圖激起猜疑和糾紛,造成內(nèi)亂。他們試圖把資本和勞動(dòng),反之亦然。他們試圖喚醒沉睡的種族和宗教仇恨長應(yīng)已在這個(gè)國家沒有的地方。他們在每一組中,促進(jìn)不耐受是活躍的。他們利用自己結(jié)束自己的天然憎惡戰(zhàn)爭。這些麻煩的飼養(yǎng)者的目的只有一個(gè)。它是把我們的人,把他們分為敵對的團(tuán)體和破壞我們的團(tuán)結(jié),粉碎了我們會(huì)為自己辯護(hù)。

也有美國公民,他們中的許多人在高的地方,誰,不知不覺地在大多數(shù)情況下,是協(xié)助及教唆這些藥物的工作。我不收這些美國公民和外國代理人。但我卻指控他們做這樣的工作,獨(dú)裁的人們想在美國做的。這些人不僅相信我們可以通過關(guān)閉我們的眼睛,其他國家的命運(yùn),拯救我們自己的皮膚。他們中的一些人遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不止這些。他們說,我們可以而且應(yīng)該成為朋友,甚至是軸心國伙伴。他們中的一些人甚至認(rèn)為我們應(yīng)該效法的獨(dú)裁統(tǒng)治的方法。但美國人永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)那樣做。

過去兩年的經(jīng)驗(yàn)已經(jīng)證明,毫無疑問,沒有一個(gè)國家能安撫納粹。沒有人能馴服老虎變成一只小貓撫摸它。對殘暴行為是不能姑息。有可以用燃燒彈沒有推理。現(xiàn)在我們知道,一個(gè)國家可以與納粹分子只有在徹底投降的代價(jià)的和平。即使意大利人被迫成為納粹同謀;但他們此刻不知道很快他們將接受死亡,他們的盟友。

不管是在美國和奧地利,捷克斯洛伐克,波蘭,挪威,比利時(shí),命運(yùn)發(fā)現(xiàn)警告荷蘭,丹麥,法國。他們告訴你,軸心國要贏得;世界上所有的流血的事件是可以被挽救的,美國或許也將影響到一個(gè)支配的和平的規(guī)模和得到最好的,我們可以。他們稱之為"和平談判的廢話。"!這是一個(gè)和平談判如果一伙不法之徒包圍你的社區(qū)和滅絕的威脅讓你表示敬意,拯救自己的皮膚?這種支配的和平就沒有和平。它只會(huì)是另一個(gè)停戰(zhàn),導(dǎo)致整個(gè)歷史中最巨大的軍備競賽和最具破壞性的貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)。在這些比賽美洲將軸功率提供的唯一真正的阻力。他們所有的自負(fù)的效率,與他們所有的游行的虔誠的目的在這場戰(zhàn)爭中,仍有其背景中的鏈的集中營里,神的仆人。

近幾年來的歷史證明,槍擊鏈和集中營的不僅僅是短暫的工具,但現(xiàn)代獨(dú)裁統(tǒng)治的祭壇。他們可以說是一個(gè)"新秩序"的世界,但他們心目中只有一個(gè)復(fù)興的最古老和最壞的暴君。在沒有自由,沒有宗教,沒有希望。所提出的"新秩序"是一個(gè)美國的歐洲或美國亞洲恰恰相反。它不是一個(gè)政府基于人民的同意。這不是一個(gè)普通的聯(lián)盟,自尊的男人和女人來保護(hù)自己和自己的自由和尊嚴(yán)的壓迫。這是一個(gè)邪惡聯(lián)盟的權(quán)力和財(cái)富支配和奴役人類。

英國人和他們的盟友,現(xiàn)在正在進(jìn)行積極的對抗這邪惡聯(lián)盟。我們自己的未來的安全在很大程度上取決于這場戰(zhàn)斗的結(jié)果。我們的"不戰(zhàn)"的能力將取決于這個(gè)結(jié)果。思想上的今天和明天,我將直接聲明美國人民有更少的機(jī)會(huì),美國進(jìn)入戰(zhàn)爭,如果我們所做的一切都是我們現(xiàn)在可以支持國家保衛(wèi)自己免受攻擊的軸比如果我們接受他們的失敗,提交馴順的軸線的勝利,和等待我們的將是在后來的另一場戰(zhàn)爭攻擊的對象。

如果我們對自己誠實(shí),我們必須承認(rèn)有風(fēng)險(xiǎn)的任何過程中我們可以采取。但我深信,我國絕大多數(shù)人同意,我提倡的課程包括風(fēng)險(xiǎn)最小的現(xiàn)在和未來世界和平的最大希望的。

歐洲的人民在捍衛(wèi)自己,不要求我們替他們打仗。他們問我們的戰(zhàn)爭,實(shí)現(xiàn)了飛機(jī),坦克,大炮,貨船,使他們能為自己的自由和我們的安全而戰(zhàn)。重點(diǎn),我們必須把這些武器給他們,讓他們在足夠量的迅速足以使我們和我們的孩子將被保存的痛苦和苦難的戰(zhàn)爭,其他人不得不忍受。

不要讓失敗主義者告訴我們,它是太晚了。它將不會(huì)早。明天要比今天更遲。

一定的事實(shí)是不言而喻的。

在軍事上說,英國和英帝國的今天是抵抗征服世界的先鋒。他們堅(jiān)持戰(zhàn)斗,這將永遠(yuǎn)活在人類的勇敢的故事。沒有要求美國派遠(yuǎn)征軍到國外。有沒有意向你們政府的任何成員發(fā)送這樣的力量。你可以因此,釘,釘約出兵歐洲任何故意不說話。我們的國家政策不是走向戰(zhàn)爭。它的唯一目的是讓戰(zhàn)爭離開我們的國家和我們的人民遠(yuǎn)離。

民主的反對征服全世界正在幫助很大,必須更多的幫助很大,由美國重整軍備和發(fā)送的每一盎司和軍需供應(yīng)每噸,我們可以備用幫助那些在前線守軍。這是沒有更多的中性點(diǎn)為我們做的比它是瑞典,俄羅斯,德國和其他國家附近把鋼鐵、礦石、石油和其他戰(zhàn)爭物資到德國一禮拜中的每一天。

我們最緊迫的我們自己的防衛(wèi)計(jì)劃,并在其龐大的規(guī)模就必須把英國和其他自由國家抵抗侵略戰(zhàn)爭的需要。這不是一個(gè)問題,情緒或有爭議的個(gè)人意見。這是一個(gè)現(xiàn)實(shí)的,實(shí)際的軍事政策,基于我們的軍事專家誰有緊密的聯(lián)系,與現(xiàn)有的戰(zhàn)爭的建議。這些軍事和海軍專家和國會(huì)的成員和政府有一個(gè)專一的目的:美國的防御。

這個(gè)國家正在產(chǎn)生的一切,在這緊急需要很大的努力,并盡速。這種努力需要偉大的犧牲。我會(huì)讓無人防守的民主又不會(huì)保衛(wèi)每個(gè)人對抗國家要與貧困。這個(gè)國家的強(qiáng)度不應(yīng)以政府未能保護(hù)其公民的經(jīng)濟(jì)福祉稀釋。如果我們的生產(chǎn)能力是有限的機(jī)器,它將永遠(yuǎn)記得這些機(jī)器的技能和工人的體力工作。

作為政府決意保護(hù)工人的權(quán)利,因此,國家有權(quán)要求人的機(jī)器將履行其全權(quán)防御的迫切需要。工人們擁有相同的人格尊嚴(yán)和有權(quán)的位置相同的安全工程師或經(jīng)理或老板。為員工提供人力,原來的驅(qū)逐艦,和飛機(jī),坦克和。國家希望我們的國防工業(yè)繼續(xù)運(yùn)行不受罷工或停工中斷。預(yù)計(jì),堅(jiān)持管理和員工將自愿或法律手段調(diào)和他們之間的分歧,繼續(xù)生產(chǎn),所以急需的物資。在我們偉大的防御計(jì)劃,經(jīng)濟(jì)方面我們是,你知道的,彎曲的一切努力,生活成本的穩(wěn)定性保持穩(wěn)定的價(jià)格。

九天前我宣布建立一個(gè)更有效的組織來指導(dǎo)我們的巨大努力增加軍_生產(chǎn)。的巨額資金撥款和協(xié)調(diào)執(zhí)行方向我們的防御措施本身并不足夠。槍炮,飛機(jī),船舶和其他許多事情都必須建立在工廠和美國的核武庫。他們必須由工人和管理人員和工程師制作的這反過來又是由成千上萬的工人在陸地的機(jī)器的幫助。在這個(gè)偉大的工作已經(jīng)有政府、行業(yè)和勞動(dòng)之間的良好合作。我很感激。

美國工業(yè)界的天才,無與倫比的全世界的生產(chǎn)問題的解決,已經(jīng)呼吁,將以其聰明才智為行動(dòng)。的手表制造商,農(nóng)具,對linotypes和收銀機(jī)和汽車,和縫紉機(jī)和割草機(jī)和機(jī)車,現(xiàn)在使熔斷器和炸彈的包裝箱和望遠(yuǎn)鏡支架和貝殼和槍和坦克。

但我們所有的努力是不夠的。我們必須有更多的船只,更多的槍,更多的飛機(jī)——更多的東西。這可以當(dāng)我們拋棄了"照常營業(yè)的概念。"這工作不能由疊加在現(xiàn)有的生產(chǎn)設(shè)施,增加國防的需要僅僅做。我們的防守努力不要被那些擔(dān)心將來工廠生產(chǎn)能力過剩的后果的封鎖。我們的防御措施失效的可能后果現(xiàn)在更是可怕的。在我們的國防需求現(xiàn)狀是過去,正確處理國家的和平時(shí)期,需要將要求所有新的生產(chǎn)能力,如果不是更。沒有對美國前途悲觀的政策應(yīng)當(dāng)延緩這些行業(yè)必不可少的防御即時(shí)擴(kuò)張。我們需要他們。

我想說清楚,它的目的是現(xiàn)在盡快地建立每一臺(tái)機(jī)器,每一個(gè)阿森納,每一個(gè)工廠,我們需要我們的國防材料制造。我們有人,技能,財(cái)富,最重要的是,將。我相信,如果在某些行業(yè)的生產(chǎn)消費(fèi)品和奢侈品需要機(jī)器,用于國防目的是必不可少的原料使用,那么這樣的生產(chǎn)一定產(chǎn)量,而且會(huì)心甘情愿地,我們的主要的和令人信服的目的。

因此我號召工廠的業(yè)主,對管理人員,對工人,我們自己的政府雇員把一點(diǎn)一滴的努力為生產(chǎn)軍_和毫不吝惜地。這一呼吁我給你的承諾,我們所有的人都是你的政府官員將致力于同全心全意地去謊言的偉大任務(wù)。

由于生產(chǎn),大炮和炮彈的政府,它的國防專家,可以決定如何最好地使用它們來保衛(wèi)這個(gè)半球。決定把多少將被派往國外,多少要留在家里,必須對我們的整體軍事用品的基礎(chǔ)上。

我們必須成為民主國家的兵工廠。

對我們來說這是緊急和戰(zhàn)爭本身一樣嚴(yán)重。我們必須致力于我們的任務(wù)具有相同的分辨率,同樣的緊迫感,同樣的愛國主義精神和犧牲,我們將展示我們的戰(zhàn)爭。

我們已經(jīng)給英國偉大的物質(zhì)上的支持,我們將為今后更遠(yuǎn)。將不會(huì)有"瓶頸"決心幫助英國。沒有獨(dú)裁的人,沒有結(jié)合的獨(dú)裁的人,將削弱的威脅,確定如何解釋,測定。英國已收到從英雄的希臘軍隊(duì)從流亡在外的所有政府軍隊(duì)寶貴的軍事支持。他們的力量是成長。這是男人和女人誰珍惜他們的自由生活比他們的價(jià)值更高的強(qiáng)度。

我相信,軸心國不會(huì)贏得這場戰(zhàn)爭。我相信最新和最好的信息庫。

我們沒有理由失敗。我們有理由希望——希望和平,是的,希望對我們文明的防御和在未來更好的文明建設(shè)。我認(rèn)為美國人民現(xiàn)在決定提出一個(gè)更強(qiáng)大的力量比他們曾經(jīng)還增加我們的防御所有實(shí)現(xiàn)生產(chǎn)的信念,以滿足我們的民主信仰的威脅。

作為美國總統(tǒng),我呼吁國家的努力。我叫它在這個(gè)國家,我們的愛和尊敬,我們很榮幸和驕傲的服務(wù)名稱。我號召我們的人民有絕對的信心,我們共同的事業(yè)將極大的成功。

美國競選英語演講稿 模板2

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美國第一夫人米歇爾5月18日參加了高中畢業(yè)生的畢業(yè)典禮,告誡他們要走自己的路,為自己的夢想奮斗,戰(zhàn)勝逆境。下面是小編為大家整理的美國第一夫人致畢業(yè)生的演講精選,希望能幫助大家學(xué)習(xí)英語。

first lady michelle obama has some advice for some tennessee high school graduates: strike your own path in college and life and work to overcome inevitable failures with determination and grit.

美國第一夫人米歇爾5月18日向高中畢業(yè)生給出寶貴建議,告誡他們在大學(xué)、生活和工作中要走自己的路,依靠決心和勇氣戰(zhàn)勝不可避免的失敗。

mrs. obama spoke for 22 minutes to the graduates of martin luther king jr. academic magnet high school on saturday in her only high school commencement address this year. the ceremony took place in the gymnasium of nearby tennessee state university.

當(dāng)天在田納西州馬丁·路德·金高中畢業(yè)典禮上,米歇爾致辭22分鐘,這是她今年唯一一場高中演講。演講在附近田納西州立大學(xué)的體育館舉行。

the first lady told the 170 graduates that she spent too much of her own time in college focusing on academic achievements. while her success in college and law school led to a high-profile job, she said, she ended up leaving to focus on public service.

在演講中,她告訴170名畢業(yè)生,當(dāng)年她在大學(xué)致力于學(xué)業(yè),之后憑借在學(xué)校的成功如愿以償?shù)卣「呗?,不過最終還是投身公共服務(wù)。

"my message to all of you today is this: do not waste a minute living someone else"s dream," she said. "it takes a lot of real work to discover what brings you joy ... and you won"t find what you love simply by checking bo_es or padding your gpa."

"今天我要告訴大家的是:不要為別人的夢想浪費(fèi)一分鐘。要想知道帶給你快樂的是什么,必須付出真正的努力。僅僅依靠查看郵箱或夸大成績,你不會(huì)找到鐘愛的工作。"

she said mlk reminded her of her own high school e_perience in chicago.

她說馬丁·路德·金高中讓她聯(lián)想到自己在芝加哥的高中經(jīng)歷。

"my no. 1 goal was to go to a high school that would push me and challenge me," she said. "i wanted to go somewhere that would celebrate achievement. a place where academic success wouldn"t make me a target of teasing or bullying, but instead would be a badge of honor."

"我的第一目標(biāo)是進(jìn)入能提高和考驗(yàn)我的高中。" 她說,"我想去一個(gè)歌頌成就的地方。在那里,學(xué)術(shù)成功不會(huì)使我成為戲弄或欺負(fù)的對象,而是榮譽(yù)的象征。"

but mrs. obama lamented that not all students have the same opportunities. "unfortunately, schools like this don"t e_ist for every kid," she said. "you are blessed."

但夫人感慨萬千:并非所有學(xué)生都有同樣的機(jī)遇。她說,"可惜,這樣的學(xué)校并非為每個(gè)孩子而存在,你們很幸運(yùn)。"

the first lady told graduates that failure may be a part of their college lives and careers, and that how they respond to any pitfalls will define them.

她告訴畢業(yè)生們,失敗也許是他們大學(xué)生活和職業(yè)生涯的一部分,未來取決于他們?nèi)绾蚊鎸щy和錯(cuò)誤。

overcoming adversity has been the hallmark of many great people, she said.

她說戰(zhàn)勝逆境一直是許多偉大人物的標(biāo)志。

"oprah was demoted from her first job as a news anchor, and now she doesn"t even need a last name," she said of media giant oprah winfrey. "and then there"s this guy barack obama ... he lost his first race for congress, and now he gets to call himself my husband."

"奧普拉從事第一份新聞主播工作時(shí)曾被降職,而今,提到她甚至不需要提她的姓。" 她提到傳媒巨人奧普拉·溫弗里,"還有巴拉克·這個(gè)家伙。第一次國會(huì)競選他大敗而歸,而現(xiàn)在,他開始自稱是我的丈夫。"

the first lady joked: "i could take up a whole afternoon talking about his failures."

第一夫人還開玩笑說,"我可以用整個(gè)下午講他的失敗。"

mrs. obama later presented graduate diplomas on stage and posed for photos with graduates.

隨后,夫人在臺(tái)上為畢業(yè)生頒發(fā)了畢業(yè)證書,并與他們合影留念。

"we didn"t know we would get to hug her," said graduate natey kinzounza, 18. "she"s got a great sense of humor. she"s like my mom, she"s just a very real person."

"我們不知道我們可以擁抱她。"18歲的畢業(yè)生納蒂·金宗齊說,"她幽默詼諧,她就好像我媽媽,是非常真實(shí)的人。"

美國競選英語演講稿 模板3

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alibaba makes internet magic

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you may not have heard of the alibaba group, but investors, competitors and business leadersaround the world are paying close attention. formed 11 years ago by high school teacher jackma, alibaba.com is china"s largest b2b internet marketplace for small- and medium-sizedcompanies. other holdings include alipay, an online payment service similar to paypal; alibabacloud computing; and taobao, a social networking and shopping site that mr. ma describes asa mash-up of amazon, ebay . but it"s the flagship company, alibaba.com, thathas been the incubator for his sometimes-unorthodo_ ideas on management and productdevelopment.

"we don"t think about making money," mr. ma said in september during the sir gordon wudistinguished speakers forum at columbia business school, sponsored by the chazen institutefor international business. "we think about creating value for society, for the people, and forthe customer. and because we don"t think about making money, we make money."

that might sound flippant coming from someone whose website raised $1.5 billion in 2024,making it the second largest internet ipo in history (only google"s, at $1.67 billion, was larger).today, market capitalization for alibaba.com is nearly $10 billion, and taobao has mushroomedinto china"s largest retailer by some measures. that"s all the more remarkable consideringthat mr. ma operates in a country with some of the most restrictive internet censorshippolicies in the world. still, he has succeeded by adhering to one simple si_-word tenet:customers first, employees second, shareholders third.

the early days

dressed casually in canvas shoes and a white windbreaker, mr. ma recounted for the audiencehis childhood in hangzhou, a major city in china"s yangtze river delta. he was, he said, a fanof wu _ia (martial arts) novels, and often got into fistfights as a young boy. he picked upenglish on his own by acting as a tour guide for foreign visitors in e_change for languagelessons, but because he had difficulty with math, he twice failed his general college entrancee_ams. on the third try, he was admitted to the languages program at the local university,after which he began a career teaching high school english.

but along the way, the entrepreneurial bug bit. he launched a translation service and washired by an american businessman, who was bankrolling construction of a local highway, totranslate negotiations with chinese municipal authorities. part of the deal-making called for himto travel to las vegas to meet some investors, and it was there, in 1995, that he first heard theword "internet." he then travelled on his own to seattle to visit vpn, a small internet serviceprovider with five employees. there he got his first look at the technology that would, within adecade, make him one of the most influential entrepreneurs in the world.

fee or free?

a key to his success, mr. ma said, was having a business model so simple that any customercould instantly understand it. unlike ebay, which has a sliding scale of fees, plus commissionif the item sells, alibaba.com charges nothing for up to 50 product listings. "chinese smes[small and medium enterprises] want to sell their products abroad," he said. "we help themcreate revenue." but what about alibaba"s revenue? that comes largely from annualmembership fees that sellers pay to upgrade to "gold supplier" status, which gives themaccess to more buyers and an online storefront.

"a membership fee is something all smes understand," he said. "if you talk about transaction[charges], our p/e [price to earnings ratio] would go up, but customers wouldn"t understandus. our business model should be simple and easy enough for customers to understand."taobao, meanwhile, has also steadfastly adhered to the "no transaction fee" philosophy, whichcaused it to leak money for several years. recently, though, it began selling ad space on thesite. revenues have been high enough to push taobao into the black, mr. ma said.

for the first five years of alibaba.com, mr. ma was the site"s chief quality control officer. everyfeature of the site was put to one test: if he couldn"t figure out how to use on his own, withoute_planations or manuals, it didn"t get implemented. "i"m not a high-tech guy," he said. "mywife bought me an ipad and i still don"t know how to use it." the site"s design is deliberatelyno-frills: clicking on the "categories" tab, for e_ample, pulls up an easy-to-scan alphabeticallist of items for sale, everything from fresh garlic to pipe fittings. new requests from buyers areprominently displayed and constantly updated. and for buyers who cringe at the thought ofracking up a phone bill, there"s a list of chinese suppliers with toll-free numbers.

what"s ahead for the alibaba group? don"t e_pect a foray into online gaming any time soon. "idon"t believe in online gaming," he said, noting that his son and his friends spend hours afterschool glued to a computer screen. "we could make a lot of money on gaming, but i just don"twant my kids to be focused online," he said. instead, he said, the ne_t big thing in china will beb2c commerce.

"the world is changing," he said. "with so many consumers, they can say ‘i want my productstailor-made.’ this will fundamentally change the internet."

美國競選英語演講稿 模板4

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good morning. our nation was founded on a bedrock principle that we are all created equal. the project of each generation is to bridge the meaning of those founding words with the realities of changing times – a never-ending quest to ensure those words ring true for every single american.

progress on this journey often comes in small increments, sometimes two steps forward, onestep back, propelled by the persistent effort of dedicated citizens. and then sometimes, thereare days like this when that slow, steady effort is rewarded with justice that arrives like athunderbolt.

this morning, the supreme court recognized that the constitution guarantees marriageequality. in doing so, they"ve reaffirmed that all americans are entitled to the equalprotection of the law. that all people should be treated equally, regardless of who they are orwho they love.

this decision will end the patchwork system we currently have. it will end the uncertaintyhundreds of thousands of same-se_ couples face from not knowing whether their marriage,legitimate in the eyes of one state, will remain if they decide to move [to] or even visit another.this ruling will strengthen all of our communities by offering to all loving same-se_ couples thedignity of marriage across this great land.

in my second inaugural address, i said that if we are truly created equal, then surely the lovewe commit to one another must be equal as well. it is gratifying to see that principleenshrined into law by this decision.

this ruling is a victory for jim obergefell and the other plaintiffs in the case. it"s a victory forgay and lesbian couples who have fought so long for their basic civil rights. it"s a victory fortheir children, whose families will now be recognized as equal to any other. it"s a victory for theallies and friends and supporters who spent years, even decades, working and praying forchange to come.

and this ruling is a victory for america. this decision affirms what millions of americansalready believe in their hearts: when all americans are treated as equal we are all more free.

my administration has been guided by that idea. it"s why we stopped defending the so-calleddefense of marriage act, and why we were pleased when the court finally struck down a centralprovision of that discriminatory law. it"s why we ended "don"t ask, don"t tell." from e_tendingfull marital benefits to federal employees and their spouses, to e_panding hospital visitationrights for lgbt patients and their loved ones, we"ve made real progress in advancing equalityfor lgbt americans in ways that were unimaginable not too long ago.

i know change for many of our lgbt brothers and sisters must have seemed so slow for so long.but compared to so many other issues, america"s shift has been so quick. i know thatamericans of goodwill continue to hold a wide range of views on this issue. opposition insome cases has been based on sincere and deeply held beliefs. all of us who welcome today"snews should be mindful of that fact; recognize different viewpoints; revere our deepcommitment to religious freedom.

but today should also give us hope that on the many issues with which we grapple, oftenpainfully, real change is possible. shifts in hearts and minds is possible. and those who havecome so far on their journey to equality have a responsibility to reach back and help others jointhem. because for all our differences, we are one people, stronger together than we could everbe alone. that"s always been our story.

we are big and vast and diverse; a nation of people with different backgrounds and beliefs,different e_periences and stories, but bound by our shared ideal that no matter who you are orwhat you look like, how you started off, or how and who you love, america is a place where youcan write your own destiny.

we are a people who believe that every single child is entitled to life and liberty and thepursuit of happiness.

there"s so much more work to be done to e_tend the full promise of america to everyamerican. but today, we can say in no uncertain terms that we"ve made our union a little moreperfect.

that"s the consequence of a decision from the supreme court, but, more importantly, it is aconsequence of the countless small acts of courage of millions of people across decades whostood up, who came out, who talked to parents – parents who loved their children no matterwhat. folks who were willing to endure bullying and taunts, and stayed strong, and came tobelieve in themselves and who they were, and slowly made an entire country realize that love islove.

what an e_traordinary achievement. what a vindication of the belief that ordinary peoplecan do e_traordinary things. what a reminder of what bobby kennedy once said about howsmall actions can be like pebbles being thrown into a still lake, and ripples of hope cascadeoutwards and change the world.

those countless, often anonymous heroes – they deserve our thanks. they should be veryproud. america should be very proud.

thank you. (applause.)

美國競選英語演講稿 模板5

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edward m. kennedy: truth and tolerance in america

thank you very much professor kombay for that generous introduction. and let me say, that i never e_pected to hear such kind words from dr. falwell. so in return, i have an invitation of my own. on january 20th, 1985, i hope dr. falwell will say a prayer at the inauguration of the ne_t democratic president of the united states. now, dr. falwell, i’m not e_actly sure how you feel about that. you might not appreciate the president, but the democrats certainly would appreciate the prayer.

actually, a number of people in washington were surprised that i was invited to speak here -- and even more surprised when i accepted the invitation. they seem to think that it’s easier for a camel to pass through the eye of the needle than for a kennedy to come to the campus of liberty baptist college. in honor of our meeting, i have asked dr. falwell, as your chancellor, to permit all the students an e_tra hour ne_t saturday night before curfew. and in return, i have promised to watch the old time gospel hour ne_t sunday morning.

i realize that my visit may be a little controversial. but as many of you have heard, dr. falwell recently sent me a membership in the moral majority -- and i didn"t even apply for it. and i wonder if that means that i"m a member in good standing.

[falwell: somewhat]

somewhat, he says.

this is, of course, a nonpolitical speech which is probably best under the circumstances. since i am not a candidate for president, it would certainly be inappropriate to ask for your support in this election and probably inaccurate to thank you for it in the last one.

i have come here to discuss my beliefs about faith and country, tolerance and truth in america. i know we begin with certain disagreements; i strongly suspect that at the end of the evening some of our disagreements will remain. but i also hope that tonight and in the months and years ahead, we will always respect the right of others to differ, that we will never lose sight of our own fallibility, that we will view ourselves with a sense of perspective and a sense of humor. after all, in the new testament, even the disciples had to be taught to look first to the beam in their own eyes, and only then to the mote in their neighbor’s eyes.

i am mindful of that counsel. i am an american and a catholic; i love my country and treasure my faith. but i do not assume that my conception of patriotism or policy is invariably correct, or that my convictions about religion should command any greater respect than any other faith in this pluralistic society. i believe there surely is such a thing as truth, but who among us can claim a monopoly on it?

there are those who do, and their own words testify to their intolerance. for e_ample, because the moral majority has worked with members of different denomination, one fundamentalist group has denounced dr. [jerry] falwell for hastening the ecumenical church and for “yoking together with roman catholics, mormons, and others.” i am relieved that dr. falwell does not regard that as a sin, and on this issue, he himself has become the target of narrow prejudice. when people agree on public policy, they ought to be able to work together, even while they worship in diverse ways. for truly we are all yoked together as americans, and the yoke is the happy one of individual freedom and mutual respect.

but in saying that, we cannot and should not turn aside from a deeper and more pressing question -- which is whether and how religion should influence government. a generation ago, a presidential candidate had to prove his independence of undue religious influence in public life, and he had to do so partly at the insistence of evangelical protestants. john kennedy said at that time: “i believe in an america where there is no religious bloc voting of any kind.” only twenty years later, another candidate was appealing to a[n] evangelical meeting as a religious bloc. ronald reagan said to 15 thousand evangelicals at the roundtable in dallas: “ i know that you can’t endorse me. i want you to know i endorse you and what you are doing.”

to many americans, that pledge was a sign and a symbol of a dangerous breakdown in the separation of church and state. yet this principle, as vital as it is, is not a simplistic and rigid command. separation of church and state cannot mean an absolute separation between moral principles and political power. the challenge today is to recall the origin of the principle, to define its purpose, and refine its application to the politics of the present.

the founders of our nation had long and bitter e_perience with the state, as both the agent and the adversary of particular religious views. in colonial maryland, catholics paid a double land ta_, and in pennsylvania they had to list their names on a public roll -- an ominous precursor of the first nazi laws against the jews. and jews in turn faced discrimination in all of the thirteen original colonies. massachusetts e_iled roger williams and his congregation for contending that civil government had no right to enforce the ten commandments. virginia harassed baptist teachers, and also established a religious test for public service, writing into the law that no “popish followers” could hold any office.

but during the revolution, catholics, jews, and non-conformists all rallied to the cause and fought valiantly for the american commonwealth -- for john winthrop’s “city upon a hill.” afterwards, when the constitution was ratified and then amended, the framers gave freedom for all religion, and from any established religion, the very first place in the bill of rights.

indeed the framers themselves professed very different faiths: washington was an episcopalian, jefferson a deist, and adams a calvinist. and although he had earlier opposed toleration, john adams later contributed to the building of catholic churches, and so did george washington. thomas jefferson said his proudest achievement was not the presidency, or the writing the declaration of independence, but drafting the virginia statute of religious freedom. he stated the vision of the first americans and the first amendment very clearly: “the god who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time.”

the separation of church and state can sometimes be frustrating for women and men of religious faith. they may be tempted to misuse government in order to impose a value which they cannot persuade others to accept. but once we succumb to that temptation, we step onto a slippery slope where everyone’s freedom is at risk. those who favor censorship should recall that one of the first books ever burned was the first english translation of the bible. as president eisenhower warned in 1953, “don’t join the book burners...the right to say ideas, the right to record them, and the right to have them accessible to others is unquestioned -- or this isn’t america.” and if that right is denied, at some future day the torch can be turned against any other book or any other belief. let us never forget: today’s moral majority could become tomorrow’s persecuted minority.

the danger is as great now as when the founders of the nation first saw it. in 1789, their fear was of factional strife among dozens of denominations. today there are hundreds -- and perhaps even thousands of faiths -- and millions of americans who are outside any fold. pluralism obviously does not and cannot mean that all of them are right; but it does mean that there are areas where government cannot and should not decide what it is wrong to believe, to think, to read, and to do. as professor larry tribe, one of the nation’s leading constitutional scholars has written, “law in a non-theocratic state cannot measure religious truth, nor can the state impose it."

the real transgression occurs when religion wants government to tell citizens how to live uniquely personal parts of their lives. the failure of prohibition proves the futility of such an attempt when a majority or even a substantial minority happens to disagree. some questions may be inherently individual ones, or people may be sharply divided about whether they are. in such cases, like prohibition and abortion, the proper role of religion is to appeal to the conscience of the individual, not the coercive power of the state.

but there are other questions which are inherently public in nature, which we must decide together as a nation, and where religion and religious values can and should speak to our common conscience. the issue of nuclear war is a compelling e_ample. it is a moral issue; it will be decided by government, not by each individual; and to give any effect to the moral values of their creed, people of faith must speak directly about public policy. the catholic bishops and the reverend billy graham have every right to stand for the nuclear freeze, and dr. falwell has every right to stand against it.

there must be standards for the e_ercise of such leadership, so that the obligations of belief will not be debased into an opportunity for mere political advantage. but to take a stand at all when a question is both properly public and truly moral is to stand in a long and honored tradition. many of the great evangelists of the 1800s were in the forefront of the abolitionist movement. in our own time, the reverend william sloane coffin challenged the morality of the war in vietnam. pope john __iii renewed the gospel’s call to social justice. and dr. martin luther king, jr. who was the greatest prophet of this century, awakened our nation and its conscience to the evil of racial segregation.

their words have blessed our world. and who now wishes they had been silent? who would bid pope john paul [ii] to quiet his voice against the oppression in eastern europe, the violence in central america, or the crying needs of the landless, the hungry, and those who are tortured in so many of the dark political prisons of our time?

president kennedy, who said that “no religious body should seek to impose its will,” also urged religious leaders to state their views and give their commitment when the public debate involved ethical issues. in drawing the line between imposed will and essential witness, we keep church and state separate, and at the same time we recognize that the city of god should speak to the civic duties of men and women.

there are four tests which draw that line and define the difference.

first, we must respect the integrity of religion itself.

people of conscience should be careful how they deal in the word of their lord. in our own history, religion has been falsely invoked to sanction prejudice -- even slavery -- to condemn labor unions and public spending for the poor. i believe that the prophecy, ”the poor you have always with you” is an indictment, not a commandment. and i respectfully suggest that god has taken no position on the department of education -- and that a balanced budget constitutional amendment is a matter of economic analysis, and not heavenly appeals.

religious values cannot be e_cluded from every public issue; but not every public issue involves religious values. and how ironic it is when those very values are denied in the name of religion. for e_ample, we are sometimes told that it is wrong to feed the hungry, but that mission is an e_plicit mandate given to us in the 25th chapter of matthew.

second, we must respect the independent judgments of conscience.

those who proclaim moral and religious values can offer counsel, but they should not casually treat a position on a public issue as a test of fealty to faith. just as i disagree with the catholic bishops on tuition ta_ credits -- which i oppose -- so other catholics can and do disagree with the hierarchy, on the basis of honest conviction, on the question of the nuclear freeze.

thus, the controversy about the moral majority arises not only from its views, but from its name -- which, in the minds of many, seems to imply that only one set of public policies is moral and only one majority can possibly be right. similarly, people are and should be perple_ed when the religious lobbying group christian voice publishes a morality inde_ of congressional voting records, which judges the morality of senators by their attitude toward zimbabwe and taiwan.

let me offer another illustration. dr. falwell has written--and i quote: “to stand against israel is to stand against god.” now there is no one in the senate who has stood more firmly for israel than i have. yet, i do not doubt the faith of those on the other side. their error is not one of religion, but of policy. and i hope to be able to persuade them that they are wrong in terms of both america’s interest and the justice of israel’s cause.

respect for conscience is most in jeopardy, and the harmony of our diverse society is most at risk, when we re-establish, directly or indirectly, a religious test for public office. that relic of the colonial era, which is specifically prohibited in the constitution, has reappeared in recent years. after the last election, the reverend james robison warned president reagan no to surround himself, as president before him had, “with the counsel of the ungodly.” i utterly reject any such standard for any position anywhere in public service. two centuries ago, the victims were catholics and jews. in the 1980s the victims could be atheists; in some other day or decade, they could be the members of the thomas road baptist church. indeed, in 1976 i regarded it as unworthy and un-american when some people said or hinted that jimmy carter should not be president because he was a born again christian. we must never judge the fitness of individuals to govern on the bas[is] of where they worship, whether they follow christ or moses, whether they are called “born again” or “ungodly.” where it is right to apply moral values to public life, let all of us avoid the temptation to be self-righteous and absolutely certain of ourselves. and if that temptation ever comes, let us recall winston churchill’s humbling description of an intolerant and infle_ible colleague: “there but for the grace of god goes god.”

third, in applying religious values, we must respect the integrity of public debate.

in that debate, faith is no substitute for facts. critics may oppose the nuclear freeze for what they regard as moral reasons. they have every right to argue that any negotiation with the soviets is wrong, or that any accommodation with them sanctions their crimes, or that no agreement can be good enough and therefore all agreements only increase the chance of war. i do not believe that, but it surely does not violate the standard of fair public debate to say it. what does violate that standard, what the opponents of the nuclear freeze have no right to do, is to assume that they are infallible, and so any argument against the freeze will do, whether it is false or true.

the nuclear freeze proposal is not unilateral, but bilateral -- with equal restraints on the united states and the soviet union. the nuclear freeze does not require that we trust the russians, but demands full and effective verification. the nuclear freeze does not concede a soviet lead in nuclear weapons, but recognizes that human beings in each great power already have in their fallible hands the overwhelming capacity to remake into a pile of radioactive rubble the earth which god has made.

there is no morality in the mushroom cloud. the black rain of nuclear ashes will fall alike on the just and the unjust. and then it will be too late to wish that we had done the real work of this atomic age -- which is to seek a world that is neither red nor dead.

i am perfectly prepared to debate the nuclear freeze on policy grounds, or moral ones. but we should not be forced to discuss phantom issues or false charges. they only deflect us form the urgent task of deciding how best to prevent a planet divided from becoming a planet destroyed.

and it does not advance the debate to contend that the arms race is more divine punishment than human problem, or that in any event, the final days are near. as pope john said two decades ago, at the opening of the second vatican council: “we must beware of those who burn with zeal, but are not endowed with much sense... we must disagree with the prophets of doom, who are always forecasting disasters, as though the end of the earth was at hand.” the message which echoes across the years is very clear: the earth is still here; and if we wish to keep it, a prophecy of doom is no alternative to a policy of arms control.

fourth, and finally, we must respect the motives of those who e_ercise their right to disagree.

we sorely test our ability to live together if we readily question each other’s integrity. it may be harder to restrain our feelings when moral principles are at stake, for they go to the deepest wellsprings of our being. but the more our feelings diverge, the more deeply felt they are, the greater is our obligation to grant the sincerity and essential decency of our fellow citizens on the other side.

those who favor e.r.a [equal rights amendment] are not “antifamily” or “blasphemers.” and their purpose is not “an attack on the bible.” rather, we believe this is the best way to fi_ in our national firmament the ideal that not only all men, but all people are created equal. indeed, my mother, who strongly favors e.r.a., would be surprised to hear that she is anti-family. for my part, i think of the amendment’s opponents as wrong on the issue, but not as lacking in moral character

i could multiply the instances of name-calling, sometimes on both sides. dr. falwell is not a “warmonger.” and “liberal clergymen” are not, as the moral majority suggested in a recent letter, equivalent to “soviet sympathizers.” the critics of official prayer in public schools are not “pharisees”; many of them are both civil libertarians and believers, who think that families should pray more at home with their children, and attend church and synagogue more faithfully. and people are not se_ist because they stand against abortion, and they are not murderers because they believe in free choice. nor does it help anyone’s cause to shout such epithets, or to try and shout a speaker down -- which is what happened last april when dr. falwell was hissed and heckled at harvard. so i am doubly grateful for your courtesy here this evening. that was not harvard’s finest hour, but i am happy to say that the loudest applause from the harvard audience came in defense of dr. falwell’s right to speak.

in short, i hope for an america where neither "fundamentalist" nor "humanist" will be a dirty word, but a fair description of the different ways in which people of good will look at life and into their own souls.

i hope for an america where no president, no public official, no individual will ever be deemed a greater or lesser american because of religious doubt -- or religious belief.

i hope for an america where the power of faith will always burn brightly, but where no modern inquisition of any kind will ever light the fires of fear, coercion, or angry division.

i hope for an america where we can all contend freely and vigorously, but where we will treasure and guard those standards of civility which alone make this nation safe for both democracy and diversity.

twenty years ago this fall, in new york city, president kennedy met for the last time with a protestant assembly. the atmosphere had been transformed since his earlier address during the 1960 campaign to the houston ministerial association. he had spoken there to allay suspicions about his catholicism, and to answer those who claimed that on the day of his baptism, he was somehow disqualified from becoming president. his speech in houston and then his election drove that prejudice from the center of our national life. now, three years later, in november of 1963, he was appearing before the protestant council of new york city to reaffirm what he regarded as some fundamental truths. on that occasion, john kennedy said: “the family of man is not limited to a single race or religion, to a single city, or country...the family of man is nearly 3 billion strong. most of its members are not white and most of them are not christian.” and as president kennedy reflected on that reality, he restated an ideal for which he had lived his life -- that “the members of this family should be at peace with one another.”

that ideal shines across all the generations of our history and all the ages of our faith, carrying with it the most ancient dream. for as the apostle paul wrote long ago in romans: “if it be possible, as much as it lieth in you, live peaceable with all men.”

i believe it is possible; the choice lies within us; as fellow citizens, let us live peaceable with each other; as fellow human beings, let us strive to live peaceably with men and women everywhere. let that be our purpose and our prayer, yours and mine -- for ourselves, for our country, and for all the world.

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thank you. (applause.) thank you very much. thank you, thank you, thank you. i think winston churchill said the only reason people give a standing ovation is they desperately seek an e_cuse to shift their underwear. (laughter.) so certainly before i’ve opened my mouth, that’s true. (laughter.)

anyway, president salovey and faculty members, parents, siblings who came here under thefalse impression there would be free food (laughter); handsome dan, wherever you are,probably at some fire hydrant somewhere (laughter); members of the 2024 ncaa championmen’s ice hockey team (cheers and applause); distinguished guests and graduates,graduates of the class of 2024, i really am privileged to be able to be here and share thecelebration of this day with you, especially 48 years after standing up right here as a veryintimidated senior wondering what i was going to say.

you are graduating today as the most diverse class in yale’s long history. or as they call it inthe nba, donald sterling’s worst nightmare. (laughter and applause.)

nia and josh: thank you for such a generous introduction. what josh didn’t mention is that heinterned for me at the state department last summer. (cheers and applause.) well, hold on aminute now. (laughter.) i learned that he’s not afraid to talk truth to power, or semi-truth. (laughter.) on his last day he walked up to me at the state department and he was brutallyhonest. he said, "mr. secretary, je sucks." (laughter and cheers.)

no, actually, on the last day at the state department, he asked if i would come here today anddeliver a message his classmates really needed to hear. so here it goes: jarred phillips, you stillowe josh money from that road trip last fall. (laughter and applause.)

i have to tell you, it is really fun for me to be back here on the old campus. i’m accompaniedby a classmate of mine. we were on the soccer team together. we had a lot of fun. he served asambassador to italy recently, david thorne. and my daughter vanessa graduated in the classof 1999, so i know what a proud moment this is for your parents. but my friends, the test willbe if they still feel this way ne_t may if you live at home. (laughter.)

now, i’m really happy you made it back from myrtle beach. (cheers and applause.) as if youhadn’t already logged enough keg time at "woads". (cheers.) just remember, just remember: 4.0 is a really good gpa, but it’s a lousy blood-alcohol level. (laughter.)

i love the hats. we didn’t have the hats when i was here. i love the hats. they are outrageous.they’re spectacular. this may well be the only event that pharrell could crash and gounnoticed. (laughter and applause.)

i’ve been looking around. i’ve seen a couple of red so_, a few red so_ hats out there. (cheers.)i’ve also seen a few of those dreaded interlocking n’s and y’s. (cheers.) but that’s okay: i saiddiversity is important. (laughter.) it’s also an easy way for me to tell who roots for theyankees and who’s graduating with distinction. (laughter and cheers.)

so here’s the deal, here’s the deal: i went online and i learned in the yale daily comments thati wasn’t everyone’s first choice to be up here. (laughter.)

when yale announced that i’d be speaking, someone actually wrote, "i hope they give outfive-hour energy to help everyone stay awake." (laughter.) well don’t worry folks: i promisenot to be one minute over four hours. (laughter.)

someone else wrote i haven’t "screwed up badly as secretary of state ... yet." (laughter.)well, all i can say is, stay tuned. (laughter.)

but my favorite comment was this: "i’m really proud that a yalie is secretary of state." ishould have stopped reading right there because he or she went on to write, "but he is buttugly." (laughter.) so there go my dreams of being on "yale’s 50 most beautiful" list. (cheersand applause.)

it really is a privilege for me to share this celebration with you, though i’m forewarned that noone remembers who delivers their graduation speech. all i really remember about our speakerin 1966 is that he was eloquent, insightful, really good looking. (laughter.) anyway, onething i promise you, one thing i promise you: i will stay away from the tired cliches ofcommencement, things like "be yourself," "do what makes you happy," "don’t use the laundryroom in saybrook". (cheers and applause.) that’s about all i’ll say about that. (laughter.)

so right after we graduated, time magazine came out with its famous "man of the year" issue.but for 1966, timedidn’t pick one man or one woman. they picked our entire generation.

and time e_pressed a lot of high hopes for us. it not only predicted that we’d cure thecommon cold, but that we’d cure cancer, too. it predicted that we’d build smog-free cities andthat we’d end poverty and war once and for all. i know what you’re thinking – we reallycrushed it. (laughter.)

so fair question: did my generation get lost? well, that’s actually a conversation for anothertime. but let me put one theory to rest: it’s not true that everyone in my generatione_perimented with drugs. although between floma_, lipitor and viagra, now we do. (laughterand applause.)

now, i did have some pretty creative classmates back then. one of my good friends, very closefriends in je – (cheers) – i’m going to set it right for you guys right now. (laughter.) one of mygood friends in je had at least two hair-brained ideas. the first was a little start-up built on thenotion that if people had a choice, they’d pay a little more to mail a package and have it arrivethe very ne_t day. crazy, right? today that start-up is called fede_. and by the way, it wascreated in je, which therefore means je rules. (cheers and applause.)

now, his other nutty idea was to restart something called the yale flying club. and admittedly,this was more of a scheme to get us out of class and off the campus. so i basically spent mysenior year majoring in flying, practicing take-offs and landings out at tweed airport.responsible? no. but i wouldn’t have missed it.

and one of the best lessons i learned here is that mark twain was absolutely right: never letschool get in the way of an education.

now, i didn’t know it at the time, but yale also taught me to finish what you start. and that’sone thing that clearly separates us from harvard. (laughter.) after all, a lot of those guys don’teven graduate. bill gates, mark zuckerberg, matt damon – what the hell have they everamounted to? (laughter.)

for all i ever learned at yale, i have to tell you truthfully the best piece of advice i ever got wasactually one word from my 89-year-old mother. i’ll never forget sitting by her bedside andtelling her i had decided to run for president. and she squeezed my hand and she said: "integrity, john. integrity. just remember always, integrity." and maybe that tells you a lotabout what she thought about politics.

but you should know: in a complicated world full of complicated decisions and close calls thatcould go either way, what keeps you awake at night isn’t so much whether or not you got thedecision right or wrong. it’s whether you made your decision for the right reasons: integrity.

and the single best piece of advice i ever received about diplomacy didn’t come from myinternational relations class, but it came from my father, who served in the foreign service. hetold me that diplomacy was really about being able to see the world through the eyes ofsomeone else, to understand their aspirations and assumptions.

and perhaps that’s just another word for empathy. but whatever it is, i will tell you sittinghere on one of the most gorgeous afternoons in new haven as you graduate: listening makes adifference, not just in foreign ministries but on the streets and in the souks and on the socialmedia network the world over.

so class of 2024, as corny as it may sound, remember that your parents aren’t just here todayas spectators. they’re also here as teachers – and even if counter-intuitive, it’s not a badidea to stay enrolled in their course as long as you can.

now for my part, i am grateful to yale because i did learn a lot here in all of the ways that agreat university can teach. but there is one phrase from one class above all that for somereason was indelibly stamped into my consciousness. perhaps it’s because i spent almost 30years in the united states senate seeing it applied again and again.

one morning in the law school auditorium, my professor, john morton blum, said simply: "allpolitics is a reaction to felt needs." what i thought he meant is that things only get done inpublic life when the people who want something demand nothing less and the people who makeit happen decide tht they can do nothing less.

those "felt needs" have driven every movement and decision that i’ve witnessed in politicssince – from south africa a couple of decades ago to the arab spring a few years ago to ourown communities, where same-se_ couples refuse to be told by their government who they canlove.

in 1963, i remember walking out of dwight hall one evening after an activist named allardlowenstein gave the impassioned and eloquent plea that i had ever heard. he compelled usto feel the need to engage in the struggle for civil rights right here in our own country.

and that’s why, just steps from here, right over there on high street, we lined up buses thatdrove students from yale and elsewhere south to be part of the mississippi voter registrationdrive and help break the back of jim crow. ultimately we forced washington to ensure throughthe law that our values were not mere words. we saw congress respond to this "felt need" andpass the civil rights act and the voting rights act, and life in america did change.

not only did landmark civil rights advances grow out of the sit-ins and marches, but we sawthe epa and the clean water act and the clean air act and the safe drinking water act and allof it come out of earth day in 1970. we saw women refusing to take a back-seat, forceinstitutions to respond, producing title i_ and a yale university that quickly transformedfrom a male bastion of 1966. citizens, including veterans of the war, spoke up and brought ourtroops home from vietnam.

the fact is that what leaps out at me now is the contrast between those heady days and today.right or wrong, and like it or not – and certainly some people certainly didn’t like it – back theninstitutions were hard pressed to avoid addressing the felt needs of our country.

indeed, none of what i’ve talked about happened overnight. the pace of change was differentfrom today. the same fall that my class walked in as freshmen, nelson mandela walked intoprison. it wasn’t until 30 years later, when my daughter walked through these gates for thefirst time, that mandela was his country’s president.

when i was a senior, the debate over the growing war in vietnam was becoming allconsuming. but it took another seven years before combat ended for our country, and morethan 25,000 lives. and it wasn’t until the year 2024 that we finally made peace and normalizedrelations. now, amazingly, we have more vietnamese studying in america – including some inyour class – than from almost any other country in the world.

what’s notable is this daring journey of progress played out over years, decades, and evengenerations. but today, the felt needs are growing at a faster pace than ever before, piling upon top of each other, while the response in legislatures or foreign capitals seems none_istentor frozen.

it’s not that the needs aren’t felt. it’s that people around the world seem to have grown used toseeing systems or institutions failing to respond. and the result is an obvious deepeningfrustration if not e_asperation with institutional governance.

the problem is today’s institutions are simply not keeping up or even catching up to the feltneeds of our time. right before our eyes, difficult decisions are deferred or avoided altogether.some people even give up before they try because they just don’t believe that they can make adifference. and the sum total of all of this inaction is stealing the future from all of us.

just a few e_amples, from little to big: a train between washington and new york that can go150 miles-per-hour – but, lacking modern infrastructure, goes that fast for only 18 miles of thetrip; an outdated american energy grid which can’t sell energy from one end of the country tothe other; climate change growing more urgent by the day, with 97 percent of scientists tellingus for years of the imperative to act. the solution is staring us in the face: make energypolicy choices that will allow america to lead a $6 trillion market. yet still we remain gridlocked;immigration reform urgently needed to unleash the power – the full power of millions who livehere and make our laws in doing so both sensible and fair.

and on the world stage, you will not escape it – even more urgency. we see huge, growingpopulations of young people in places that offer little education, little economic or politicalopportunity. in countries from north africa to east asia, you are older than half theirpopulation. forty percent of their population is younger than yale’s ne_t incoming class.

if we can’t galvanize action to recognize their felt needs – if we don’t do more to coordinatean attack on e_treme poverty, provide education, opportunity, and jobs, we inviteinstability. and i promise you, radical e_tremism is all too ready to fill the vacuum leftbehind.

what should be clear to everyone – and it’s perhaps what makes our current predicament,frankly, so frustrating – is that none of our problems are without solutions. none of them. butneither will they solve themselves. so for all of us, it’s really a question of willpower, notcapacity. it’s a matter of refusing to fall prey to the cynicism and apathy that have alwaysbeen the mortal enemies of progress. and it requires keeping faith with the ability ofinstitutions – of america – to do big things when the moment demands it. remember whatnelson mandela said when confronted by pessimism in the long march to freedom: "it alwaysseems impossible until it is done."

one thing i know for sure – these and other felt needs will never be addressed if you, we fallvictim to the slow suffocation of conventional wisdom.

on tuesday i sat in the state department with some young foreign service officers at thestate department, and one of them said something to me that i’ve been thinking about,frankly, all week. he wasn’t much older than any of you. he said: "we’ve gone from an erawhere power lived in hierarchies to an era where power lives in networks – and now we’rewrestling with the fact that those hierarchies are unsettled by the new power."

every one of you and your parents have mobile devices here today. they represent a lot morethan your ability to put a picture on fbook or ins. they are one of the powerful newinstruments of change that makes hierarchies uncomfortable because you can communicatewith everybody, anywhere, all the time – and that’s how you beat conventional wisdom.

that’s what makes me certain that felt needs are not just problems. they are opportunities.and i am convinced if you are willing to challenge the conventional wisdom, which youshould be after this education, you can avoid the dangerous byproducts of indifference,hopelessness, and my least favorite: cynicism.

it is indifference that says our problems are so great, let’s not even try. we have to rejectthat. it’s hopelessness that says that our best days are behind us. i couldn’t disagree more.

it’s cynicism that says we’re powerless to effect real change, and that the era of americanleadership is over. i don’t believe that for a second, and neither does president obama. werefuse to limit our vision of the possibilities for our country, and so should you. together wehave to all refuse to accept the downsizing of america’s role in a very complicated world.

i happen to love t.s. eliot’s "love song of j. alfred prufrock," one of my favorite poems. and irespectfully challenge you to never wind up fretfully musing as prufrock did: "do i daredisturb the universe? in a minute there is time for decisions and revisions which a minute willreverse." class of 2024: your job is to disturb the universe.

you have to reject the notion that the problems are too big and too complicated so don’t wadein. you don’t have the lu_ury of just checking out. and it doesn’t matter what profession youwind up in, what community you live in, where you are, what you’re doing, you do not havethat lu_ury.

one of the greatest rewards of being secretary of state is getting to see with my own eyes howmuch good news there actually is in the world – how many good people there are out thereevery single day courageously fighting back. the truth is that everywhere i go i see or hearabout an e_traordinary number of individual acts of courage and bravery, all of which defythe odds – all by people who simply refuse to give up, and who start with a lot lessopportunity than you do.

you can see this in the lonely human rights activist who struggles against tyranny and againsta dictator until they are defeated. you see it in the democracy activist who goes to jail tryingto ensure an election is free and transparent. you see it in the civil rights lawyer who suffersscorn and isolation for standing against bigotry, racism, and intolerance.

i am literally in awe of the courage that ordinary, anonymous people demonstrate in themost difficult circumstances imaginable – in a dank african jail, a north korean gulag, aprison in syria or central asia, facing the cruelest persecution and lonely isolation.

many of these people just quietly disappear. they lose their lives. they never become aninternational cause or a global hero. courage is not a strong enough word for what they doevery day, and all of us need to think about that.

what all these people have in common – and what i hope they have in common with you – isthat they refuse to be complacent and indifferent to what is going on around them or towhat should be going on around them.

and that’s the most important lesson i hope you will take with you when you leave yale. thefact is that for those of you who have loans are not the only burden you graduate with today.you have had the privilege of a yale education. no matter where you come from, no matterwhere you’re going ne_t, the four years that you’ve spent here are an introduction toresponsibility. and your education requires something more of you than serving yourself. it callson you to give back, in whatever way you can. it requires you to serve the world around youand, yes, to make a difference. that is what has always set america apart: our generosity, ourhumanity, our idealism.

last year i walked through the devastation of the typhoon that hit the philippines. the u.s.military and usaid and regular volunteers got there before countries that lived a lot closer. wewent there without being asked and without asking for anything in return. and today americansare helping to bring that community back to life.

in nigeria, when boko haram kidnapped hundreds of girls, the government didn’t turn to otherpowerful countries for help – and by the way, they’re not offering.

as josh and nia mentioned, it was my privilege to stand here 48 years ago at class day.before coming here, i did re-read that speech. a lot of it was about vietnam, but one linejumped out at me. in 1966 i suggested, "an e_cess of isolation had led to an e_cess ofinterventionism." today we hear a different tune from some in congress and even on somecampuses and we face the opposite concern. we cannot allow a hangover from the e_cessiveinterventionism of the last decade to lead now to an e_cess of isolationism in this decade.

i can tell you for certain, most of the rest of the world doesn’t lie awake at night worryingabout america’s presence – they worry about what would happen in our absence.

without arrogance, without chauvinism, never forget that what makes america different fromother nations is not a common bloodline or a common religion or a common ideology or acommon heritage – what makes us different is that we are united by an uncommon idea: thatwe’re all created equal and all endowed with unalienable rights. america is not just a countrylike other countries. america is an idea and we – all of us, you – get to fill it out over time.

tomorrow, when president salovey grants you those diplomas, listen to what he says. he won’tsay what is said at most schools – that your degree admits you to all its "rights and privileges."at yale, we say your degree admits you to all its "rights and responsibilities." it means we needto renew that responsibility over and over again every day. it’s not a one-time decision.participation is the best antidote to pessimism and ultimately cynicism.

so i ask you today on a celebratory afternoon as you think about the future: remember whathappened when the founding fathers had finished their hard work at the constitutionalconvention in philadelphia and ben franklin, tired, end of day, walked down at night, down thesteps of the hall. a woman called to him. she said, "tell us dr. franklin: what do we have, amonarchy or a republic?" and he answered: "a republic, if you can keep it."

class of 2024: we know what you have – a world-class education – if you will use it.

congratulations to you, good luck, and god bless. (cheers and applause.)

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the president: hello, big easy! (applause.) everybody, give it up for nancy for thatgreat introduction. (applause.) it is good to be back in new orleans. this is what passes forwinter here in new orleans, huh? (laughter.) folks got all their coats on and all that. come on.you need to go to chicago to know what it’s like to be cold.

it is great to be here. it is especially happy for my staff. they love coming to new orleans.but we did schedule the event early because ifigure there’s a limit to how much trouble theycould get into. (laughter.) they can’t get over to bourbon street fast enough if we did adaytimeevent. and i know that there areprobably a couple of my staff that are lsu fans. iwouldn’t mind staying for the game tomorrownight. i know we’ve got the presidenthere -- i justsaw him a minute ago and i wished him all the best.

i also want to acknowledge acouple of other people who are here. you’vegot your governor-- bobby jindal is here. (applause.) we’ve got thesecretary of transportation anthony fo__,who is here. (applause.) we have cedric richmond, your outstanding congressman. (applause.) cedric then brought down a whole bunch of his colleagues from thecongressionalblack caucus for some important work that they’re doing -- notthat they’re going to enjoythemselves at all while they’re here. (laughter.) but we are thrilled to see them all here.

you have one of the best mayorsin the country in mitch landrieu. (applause.) and i justflew downwith your senator, who, by coincidence, has the same name -- mary landrieu. (applause.) she’s traveling around the state today and doing unbelievable work on behalfof thepeople of louisiana. and i justwant to say nobody is a tougher advocate on behalf of theworking people oflouisiana than mary landrieu. so we’revery, very proud of the work that shedoes. (applause.)

finally, i want to thank mr. garylagrange, keith palmisano, and chris hammond. theyshowed me around the port. (applause.) and this is one ofthe -- by the way, anybody who’s gota seat, feel free. i noticed that a few folks are standingup. if you don’t have a seat then keeponstanding. i don’t want you hurtingyourself.

this is one of the busiest portcomple_es in the entire world. you movemillions of tons ofsteel and chemicals and fuel and food every singleyear. i just found out you also handle alot ofthe country’s coffee, which means you’re responsible for keeping thewhite house awake at alltimes. (applause.) got some coffee folkshere.

and, in so many ways, this portis representative of what ports all around the country do:they help to keep our economy going -- movingproducts, moving people, making sure thatbusinesses are working. you’ve got corn and wheat that’s coming downfrom my home state ofillinois down the river, ending up here, and then goingall around the world. and it’s part ofthereason why we’ve been able to increase e_ports so rapidly, is because we’vegot some of the bestnatural resources and waterways and facilities in theworld.

now, growing our economy,creating new jobs, helping middle-class families regain a senseof stabilityand security so they can find good jobs and make sure that their kids are doingevenbetter than they did -- that’s always been what america is about, but fortoo many people, thatsense that you can make it here if you try, that sensehas been slipping away. and mydrivingfocus has been to restore that sense of security, and it should be washington’sfocus,regardless of party. that’s whateverybody in washington should be thinking about every day.

so today, i want to just offer acouple of ideas about what we could do right now togetherthat would help oureconomy -- right now. now, the good newsis, over the past 44 months ourbusinesses have created 7.8 million newjobs. since i took office, we’ve cut thedeficits in half. (applause.) that’s right. by the way, you wouldn’t know this sometimes listening to folks ontv,but the deficits are going down, they’re not going up. they’ve been cut in half. (applause.)and they keep on going down.

over the past three years, healthcare costs have risen at the slowest pace on record.e_ports are up. the housing market is up. the american auto industry is roaring back. so we’vegot a lot of good things to buildon, but we’ve got a lot more work to do. and what we shouldstart doing, the first thing we should do is stopdoing things that undermine our businessesand our economy over the past fewyears -- this constant cycle of manufactured crises and self-inflicted woundsthat have been coming out of washington.

for e_ample, we learned yesterdaythat over the summer, our economy grew at its fastestpace in a year. that’s the good news. the bad news is that the very day that theeconomicquarter ended, some folks in washington decided to shut down thegovernment and threatenedto default on america’s obligations for the firsttime in more than 200 years. and it’slike thegears of our economy, every time they are just about to take off,suddenly somebody taps thebrakes and says, "not so fast."

audience member: tell it! (laughter.)

the president: now, our businesses are resilient. we’ve got great workers. and so, asa consequence, we added about200,000 new jobs last month. but there’sno question that theshutdown harmed our jobs market. the unemployment rate still ticked up. and we don’t yetknow all the data for thisfinal quarter of the year, but it could be down because of whathappened inwashington. now, that makes nosense. these self-inflicted wounds don’thave tohappen. they should not happenagain.

we should not be injuringourselves every few months -- we should be investing inourselves. we should be building, not tearing thingsdown. rather than refighting the sameoldbattles again and again and again, we should be fighting to make sureeverybody who workshard in america and hard right here in new orleans, thatthey have a chance to get ahead.that’swhat we should be focused on. (applause.)

which brings me to one of thereasons i’m here at this port. one ofthe things we should befocused on is helping more businesses sell moreproducts to the rest of the world. andthe onlyway those products get out is through facilities like this. right now, e_ports are one of thebrightestspots in our economy. thanks in part tonew trade deals that we signed with countrieslike panama and colombia andsouth korea, we now e_port more goods and services than everbefore. and that means jobs right here in the unitedstates of america.

last year, every $1 billion ine_ports supports nearly 5,000 jobs, including jobs right here atthis port. so we’re working on new trade deals that willmean more jobs for our workers, andmore business for ports like this one.

and, by the way, when i travelaround the world, i’m out there selling. i’ll go anywhere inthe world to make sure that those products stampedwith those words, "made in america," thatwe can open up those markets and sellthem anywhere. (applause.)

so helping american businessesgrow; creating more jobs -- these are not democratic orrepublicanpriorities. they are priorities thateverybody, regardless of party, should be able toget behind. and that’s why, in addition to working withcongress to grow our e_ports, i’ve putforward additional ideas where i believedemocrats and republicans can join together to makeprogress right now.

number one, congress needs topass a farm bill that helps rural communities grow andprotects vulnerableamericans. for decades, congress found away to compromise and passfarm bills without fuss. for some reason, now congress can’t even getthat done. now, this isnot somethingthat just benefits farmers. ports likethis one depend on all the products comingdown the mississippi. so let’s do the right thing, pass a farmbill. we can start sellingmoreproducts. that’s more business for thisport. and that means more jobs righthere. (applause.)

number two, we should fi_ ourbroken immigration system. (applause.) this would begoodfor our national security, but it would also be good for our economic security. over thene_t two decades, it would grow oureconomy by $1.4 trillion. it wouldshrink our deficits bynearly a trillion dollars. this should not be a partisan issue. president bush proposed the broadoutlines ofcommon-sense immigration reform almost a decade ago. when i was in the senate,i joined 23 of myrepublican colleagues to back those reforms. this year, the senate has alreadypassed a bill with broad bipartisansupport.

so all we’re doing now is waitingfor the house to act. i don’t know whatthe holdup is. but ifthere’s a goodreason not to do it, i haven’t heard it. there’s no reason both parties can’t cometogether and get this donethis year. get it done this year. (applause.)

number three, democrats andrepublicans should work together on a responsible budgetthat sets america on astronger course for the future. weshouldn’t get caught up in the sameold fights. and we shouldn’t just cut things just for the sake of cuttingthings. remember, iwant to remind you-- what’s happening in the deficits? they’re going down. they’reshrinking.they’re falling faster thanthey have in 60 years.

so what we have to do now is dowhat america has always done: make somewiseinvestments in our people and in our country that will help us grow overthe long term. weshould close wastefulta_ loopholes that don’t help our jobs, don’t grow our economy, and theninvestthat money in things that actually do create jobs and grow our economy. and one of thosethings is building new roadsand bridges and schools and ports. thatcreates jobs. (applause.) itputs people to work during theconstruction phase. and then it createsan infrastructure for oureconomy to succeed moving forward.

educating our kids, training ourworkers so they’re prepared for the global economy -- thathelps us grow. we should be investing in that. and mayor landrieu has been doing a great jobinimproving education here in new orleans. (applause.)

investing in science and research and technology -- that keeps ourbusinesses and ourmilitary at our cutting edge. that’s the kind of investment we should bemaking.

i mean, think about ourinfrastructure. in today’s globaleconomy, businesses are going totake root and grow wherever there’s thefastest, most reliable transportation andcommunications networks -- they cango anywhere. so china is investing a lotin infrastructure.europe is investing awhole lot in infrastructure. and brazilis investing a whole lot ininfrastructure. what are we doing?

we’re doing some good thingslocally here. the state and city aretrying to do some work,but nationally we’re falling behind. we’re relying on old stuff. i don’t think we should have justoldstuff. we should have some new stuffthat is going to help us grow and keep pace withglobal competition.

rebuilding our transportation andcommunications networks is one of the fastest ways tocreate good jobs. and consider that just a couple of years fromnow, we’re going to have newsupertankers that are going to start comingthrough the panama canal, and these tankers canhold three times as much cargoas today’s. if a port can’t handle thosesupertankers, they’ll goload and unload cargo somewhere else. so there’s work that we can start doing interms ofdredging and making the passageways deeper, which means thesupertankers can have morestuff on them, which means they can unload and loadmore stuff, which makes this port morecompetitive.

so why wouldn’t we put people towork upgrading them? (applause.) why wouldn’t we dothat? it’s not just our ports either. one in nine of our bridges is ratedstructurally deficient.more than 40percent of our major highways are congested; so is our airspace. everybody who’ssitting on a tarmac wonderingwhy it is that you’re not taking off, and getting aggravated whenyou go flysomeplace, part of the reason is we’ve got this antiquated air traffic controlsystem.we need the ne_t generation airtraffic control system. it would reducetime travel; it wouldreduce delays. itreduces fuel costs for airlines. itreduces pollution in the sky. we knowhow todo it, we just haven’t done it.

that shouldn’t be a democratic ora republican issue. that’s just smart togo ahead and doit. something thatpeople across the political spectrum shouldbe able to agree on. now, here’sthething: all these opportunities andchallenges, they’re not going to magically fi_ themselves.we’ve got to do it. and anybody who says we can’t afford to payfor these things needs to realizewe’re already paying for them.

i’ll give you an e_ample. a lot of trucking companies now reroute theirshipments to avoidtraffic and unsafe bridges. so they’re going longer than they need to; that costs them money.so you’re paying for it. those costs then get passed on toconsumers. or it means companiesaren’tmaking as much of a profit and maybe they’ve got fewer employees. so directly orindirectly, we’re paying forit. and the longer we delay, the more we’llpay.

but the sooner we take care ofbusiness, the better. and i know that ifthere’s one thing thatmembers of congress from both parties want, it’s smartinfrastructure projects that create goodjobs in their districts.

that’s why, last year, i took thestep without congress to speed up the permitting processfor big infrastructureprojects like upgrading our ports. justcut through the red tape. get itdonefaster. this year, rebuilding ourinfrastructure could be part of a bipartisan budget deal. acouple months ago, i put forward an idea totry to break through some of the old arguments -- agrand bargain formiddle-class jobs. and what i said was,we’ll simplify our corporate ta_code, close some wasteful ta_ loopholes, endincentives to ship jobs overseas, lower ta_ rates forbusinesses that createjobs here in the united states, and use some of the money we save byswitchingto a smarter ta_ system to create good construction jobs building the thingsthat ourbusinesses need right here in america. it’s a pretty sensible deal. (applause.)

so if we took that step, we couldmodernize our air traffic control system to keep planesrunning on time;modernize our power grids and pipelines so they survive storms; modernizeourschools to prepare our kids for jobs of the future; modernize our ports so theycanaccommodate the new ships.

the point is, rebuilding ourinfrastructure or educating our kids, funding basic research --they are notpartisan issues, they’re american issues. there used to be a broad consensus thatthese things were important toour economy. and we’ve got to get backto that mindset. we’vegot to moveforward on these things together. itdoesn’t mean that there aren’t going to bedisagreements on a whole bunch ofstuff, but let’s work on the things we agree on.

now, i’m going to make one lastpoint, one area where we haven’t made much bipartisanprogress -- at least notas much as i’d like -- is fi_ing our broken health care system. (applause.)

and i took up this cause knowingit was hard -- there was a reason why no other presidenthad done it -- to makesure every american has access to quality, affordable health care, andto makesure that no american ever again has to fear one illness is going to bankruptthem. (applause.)

and the work we’ve already donehas resulted in, over the past three years, health care costsrising at theslowest pace on record. health carecosts for businesses are growing about one-thirdof the rate they were a decadeago, and we want those trends to continue.

now, we’ve had this problem withthe website. i’m not happy aboutthat. but we’re workingovertime to makesure that it gets fi_ed, because right now we’ve put in place a system,amarketplace, where people can get affordable health care plans. i promise you nobody hasbeen more frustrated. i want to go in and fi_ it myself, but i don’twrite code, so -- (laughter).

but to every american with apree_isting condition who’s been waiting for the day they couldbe covered justlike everybody else, for folks who couldn’t afford to buy their owninsurancebecause they don’t get it on the job, we’re going to fi_ the website. because theinsurance plans are there. they are good, and millions of americans arealready finding thatthey’ll gain better coverage for less cost, and it’s theright thing to do. (applause.)

now, i know that’s -- i knowhealth care is controversial, so there’s only going to be somuch support weget on that on a bipartisan basis -- until it’s working really well, andthenthey’re going to stop calling it obamacare. (laughter and applause.) they’regoing to callit something else.

one thing, though, i was talkingto your mayor and your governor about, though, is aseparate issue, which isone of the things that the affordable care act does is allow states toe_pandmedicaid to cover more of their citizens. (applause.)

and here in louisiana, that wouldbenefit about 265,000 people. andalready you’ve seenstates -- arkansas has covered -- taken this up, and they’recovering almost 14 percent of theiruninsured. republican governors in states like ohio and nevada, arizona, they’redoing it, too.oregon has alreadyreduced the number of uninsured by about 10 percent. and some of thesefolks opposed obamacare,but they did support helping their citizens who can’t get coverage.

so we want to work with everybody-- mayor, governor, insurance -- whoever it is thatwants to work with us herein louisiana to make sure that even if you don’t support the overallplan, let’sat least go ahead and make sure that the folks who don’t have health insurancerightnow can get it through an e_panded medicaid. let’s make sure we do that. (applause.) it’s theright thing to do.

and one of the reasons to do itis -- i’ve said this before; sometimes people don’t fullyappreciate it -- wealready pay for the health care of people who don’t have health insurance,wejust pay for the most e_pensive version, which is when they go to the emergencyroom.because what happens is, thehospitals have to take sick folk. they’renot just going to leavethem on the streets. but people who are sick, they wait until the very last minute. it’s muchmore e_pensive to treat them. hospitals have to figure out how to get theirmoney back, whichmeans they jack up costs for everybody who does have healthinsurance by about $1,000 perfamily.

so, as a consequence, whathappens is you’re already paying a hidden ta_ for a brokenhealth caresystem. community hospitals struggle tocare for the uninsured who can’t pay theirbills when they get sick. so it’s the right thing to do for the healthof our economies as a whole.it is apractical, pragmatic reason to do it. ithas nothing to do with politics or ideology. andthe more states that are working together, democrats andrepublicans, the better off we’regoing to be.

so the bottom line is, neworleans, we can work together to do these things, because we’vedone thembefore. we did not become the greatestnation on earth just by chance, just byaccident. we had some advantages -- really nice realestate here in the united states. butwhatwe also had were people who despite their differences -- and we come fromeverywhere and lookdifferent and have different traditions -- we understandthat this country works best when we’reworking together. and we decided to do what was necessary forour businesses and our familiesto succeed. and if we did it in the past, we can do it again.

so let’s make it easier for morebusinesses to e_pand and grow and sell more goods madein america to the restof the world. let’s make sure we’ve gotthe best ports and roads andbridges and schools. let’s make sure our young people are gettinga great education. let’s giveeverybodya chance to get ahead, not just a few at the top, but everybody -- (applause)--because if we do that, if we help our businesses grow and our communitiesthrive and ourchildren reach a little higher, then the economy is going togrow faster.

we’ll rebuild our middle classstronger. the american dream will bereal and achievable notjust for a few, but for everybody -- not just today,but for decades to come. that’s whatwe’refighting for. that’s what you’re allabout here at this port and here in new orleans. and i’mlooking forward to working with youto make sure we keep that up.

thank you. god bless you. god bless america. (applause.)

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the president: hello, everybody! (applause.) can everybody please give lisbeth a biground of applause? that was a great introduction. (applause.)

happy halloween, everybody. i see a lot of you came as college students. (applause.)

audience member: we love you!

the president: i love you, too. those of you who have seats, feel free to sit down. those ofyou who don’t, don’t. (laughter.) i am not going to be too long. i’ve got to get back and trick-or-treat tonight with michelle. although, malia and sasha are a little old --

audience: aww --

the president: it’s so sad. (laughter.) i used to be able to -- we’d dress them up, and westill have the pictures. they’ll resent them later, but at the time they were fine with it. theywere so cute.

a good thing about being president is we never run out of presidential m&ms -- (laughter) -- so we’re going to be giving those out.

audience: (inaudible.) (laughter.)

the president: you want some? is that what you said? only to kids. (laughter.)

we’re so proud of lisbeth, not just for the wonderful introduction but for being so determinedabout her education. and she’s a really remarkable young lady. i had a chance to speak to herbefore we came out. it turns out she went to school with my niece and nephew --

audience member: classical!

the president: that’s right. at classical, is that right? so that was neat.

i have also brought some halloween characters with me: our secretary of labor, tom perez. (applause.) they are all dressed up as really outstanding public servants. (laughter.) andtom has just been doing e_traordinary work. his lovely daughter is there, who’s a freshman atbrown. your great senators, jack reed and sheldon whitehouse. (applause.) your outstandingcongressman, david cicilline, is here. (applause.) jim langevin is here. (applause.) and we’reproud of both of them.

but despite how much i love all the folks i just mentioned, the people i really came to see isyou. (applause.) because every decision i make every single day -- all the policies i pursue aspresident -- are all aimed at making sure we restore the promise of this country for yourgeneration and for every generation that comes after.

now, the good news is we’ve made a lot of progress since the worst economic crisis of ourlifetimes. so when i first came into office, the economy was in a freefall, the auto industry wasin a freefall. banks were frozen up. we were losing 800,000 jobs a month. over the past 55months, our businesses have now added 10.3 million new jobs. (applause.) for the first time inmore than si_ years, the unemployment rate is below 6 percent. over the past si_ months,our economy has grown at its fastest pace in more than 10 years.

and in education, dropout rates are down, the national graduation rate is the highest on record,more young people are earning their college degrees than ever before. (applause.) good job,young people.

in energy, we’re less dependent on foreign oil than any time in nearly three decades.manufacturing -- the quintessential producer of middle-class jobs, the heart of rhode island’seconomy for decades -- manufacturing has now created 700,000 new jobs since early 2024. tenmillion americans have gained the peace of mind that comes with having health insurance. (applause.)

audience member: thank you!

the president: you’re welcome.

deficits have come down. health care inflation has come down. there’s almost no economicmeasure by which we haven’t made substantial progress over this period of time. we’rebetter off than we were. (applause.)

so, look, the progress has been hard. it’s sometimes been challenging in particular states.but it’s been steady and it’s been real. now, the thing is, though, what’s also true is thatmillions of americans don’t yet feel the benefits of a growing economy where it matters most --and that’s in their own lives. there are still a lot of folks who are working hard, but havingtrouble making ends meet.

i know that many of you are working while you go to school. some of you are helping supportyour parents or siblings. here in rhode island, and across the country, there are still too manypeople who are working too many hours and don’t have enough to show for it. and this isn’tjust the hangover from the great recession; some of this has to do with trends that date back20, 30 years. and i’ve always said that recovering from the crisis of 2024 was the first thing wehad to do, but our economy won’t be healthy until we reverse some of these longer-termtrends, this erosion of middle-class jobs and income.

and here in rhode island, my administration recently announced a grant to help more long-term unemployed folks get the training and mentoring they need to get back to work. (applause.) and all across the country, we’re taking similar actions, community bycommunity, to keep making progress.

we’ve got to harness the momentum that we’re seeing in the broader economy and makesure the economy is working for every single american. we’ve got to keep making smartchoices. and today, here at ric, i want to focus on some common-sense steps we can take tohelp working families right now. in particular, i want to zero in on the choices we need tomake to ensure that women are full and equal participants in the economy. (applause.)

now, men, i don’t want you to feel neglected. i like men just fine. (laughter.) but part of thereason that i want this focus is because i was raised by a single mom, and know what it was likefor her to raise two kids and go to work at the same time, and try to piece things togetherwithout a lot of support. and my grandmother, who never graduated from college but workedher way up to become vice president of a bank, i know what it was like for her to hit the glassceiling, and to see herself passed over for promotions by people that she had trained. and sosome of this is personal, but some of it is also what we know about our economy, which is it’schanging in profound ways, and in many ways for the better because of the participation ofwomen more fully in our economy.

so earlier today, i met with a group of women business owners and working moms, and lisbethand your president here, and they were sharing stories that probably sound familiar to a lot ofpeople -- studying for finals after working a full shift; searching for childcare when thebabysitter cancels at the last minute; using every penny of their savings so they can afford tostay home with their new baby.

and so i kept on hearing my own story. i kept on hearing about my mom struggling to putherself through school, or my grandmother hitting that glass ceiling. and i thought aboutmichelle, and i told some stories about when michelle and i were younger and getting starting,and we were struggling to balance two careers while raising a family. and my job forced me totravel a lot, which made it harder on michelle, and we would feel some of the guilt that somany people feel -- we’re working, we’re thinking about the kids, we’re wondering whetherwe’re bad parents, we’re wondering whether we were doing what we need to do on the job. andas the catch-22 of working parents, we wanted to spend time with our kids, but we also wantedto make sure that we gave them the opportunities that our hard work was providing.

and then, of course, i think about my daughters. and the idea that my daughters wouldn’thave the same opportunities as somebody’s sons -- well, that’s unacceptable. that’s notacceptable. (applause.)

so i say all this because -- to the men here, we all have a stake in choosing policies that helpwomen succeed. women make up about half of america’s workforce. (applause.) for more thantwo decades, women have earned over half of the higher education degrees awarded in thiscountry. and you look at the ric student body, almost 70 percent women. (applause.) incolleges nationwide, there are more women graduating than men -- which means that for thefirst time, america’s highly educated workforce will be made up of more women than men. (applause.)

but here’s the challenge -- that’s all good news -- the challenge is, our economy and some ofthe laws and rules governing our workplaces haven’t caught up with that reality. a lot ofworkplaces haven’t caught up with that reality. so while many women are working hard tosupport themselves and their families, they’re still facing unfair choices, outdated workplacepolicies. that holds them back, but it also holds all of us back. we have to do better, becausewomen deserve better. and, by the way, when women do well, everybody does well. (applause.)

so women deserve a day off to care for a sick child or sick parent without running intohardship. and rhode island has got the right idea. you’re one of just three states where paidfamily leave is the law of the land. (applause.) more states should choose to follow your lead.

it was interesting talking to some of the small business owners in the meeting. they weresaying how the rhode island law actually helped them do a better job recruiting and retainingoutstanding employees. and so that shows you something -- that this is not just a nice thingto do; it’s good policy. it’s good for business. it’s good for the economy. (applause.)

without paid leave, when a baby arrives or an aging parent needs help, workers have to makepainful decisions about whether they can afford to be there when their families need themmost. many women can’t even get a paid day off to give birth to their child. i mean, there are alot of companies that still don’t provide maternity leave. of course, dads should be there, too.so let’s make this happen for women and for men, and make our economy stronger. (applause.) we’ve got to broaden our laws for family leave.

moms and dads deserve a great place to drop their kids off every day that doesn’t cost theman arm and a leg. we need better childcare, daycare, early childhood education policies. (applause.) in many states, sending your child to daycare costs more than sending them to apublic university.

audience member: true!

the president: true. (laughter.) and too often, parents have no choice but to put theirkids in cheaper daycare that maybe doesn’t have the kinds of programming that makes a bigdifference in a child’s development. and sometimes there may just not be any slots, or the bestprograms may be too far away. and sometimes, someone, usually mom, leaves the workplace tostay home with the kids, which then leaves her earning a lower wage for the rest of her life as aresult. and that’s not a choice we want americans to make.

so let’s make this happen. by the end of this decade, let’s enroll 6 million children in high-quality preschool, and let’s make sure that we are making america stronger. that is good forfamilies; it’s also good for the children, because we know investing in high-quality earlychildhood education makes all the difference in the world, and those kids will do better. so weneed family leave, we need better child care policies, and we need to make sure that women getan honest day’s pay for an honest day’s work. (applause.)

about 28 million americans would benefit if we raised the minimum wage to $10.10 an hour -- (applause) -- like sheldon whitehouse and jack reed support. and let me say this: minimumwage -- those aren’t just teenage jobs that are impacted. we’re not just talking about youngpeople. my first job was at baskin robbins. and i got paid the minimum wage and it was okay.wearing that hat and the apron was -- (laughter) -- yeah.

but the truth is, the average worker who would benefit from an increase in the minimum wageis 35 years old -- 35. a majority of low-wage workers are women. a lot of them have kids.right now, somebody working full-time on the minimum wage makes $14,500 a year -- $14,500. if they’re a parent, that means they’re below the poverty line. nobody who worksfull-time in america should be below the poverty line. (applause.) they should not be raisingtheir kids below the poverty line. i am not going to give up this fight. and we needrepublicans in congress to stop blocking a minimum wage increase and give america a raise. (applause.)

and if a woman is doing the same work as a man, she deserves to get paid just like the mandoes. (applause.) even though it’s 2024, there are women still earning less than men for doingthe same work. and women of color face an even greater wage gap. (applause.) and at a timewhen women are the primary breadwinners in more households than ever, that hurts the wholefamily if they’re not getting paid fairly. again, men, i just want you to pay attention. whenmichelle and i were starting off, there were stretches of time where michelle was making moremoney than me, and i wanted to make sure she was making every dime that she deserved. (laughter.) right? i don’t know how i benefit by her getting paid less than a man. right?

audience: right!

the president: okay! men, i just want you to be clear. (laughter.)

and it starts with recent college graduates. women often start their careers with lower pay, andthen the gap grows over time -- especially if they get passed over for promotions and then theyget fewer raises, or they take time off to care for family members. so you get a situation wherewomen are doing the same work as men, but the structure, the e_pectations somehow is, well,they’ll take time off for family, and once they take time off that means that it’s okay to paythem a little bit less. and that builds up over time.

and we’ve got to have a reversal of those kinds of policies and that kind of mindset. we’ve gotto catch up to the 21st century. we need to pass a fair pay law, make our economy stronger. itwill be good for america, and it will be good for our families and good for our kids. (applause.)

while we’re on the topic, women deserve to make their own health care choices -- notpoliticians or insurance companies. (applause.) and that’s why the affordable care act is soimportant. (applause.) insurance plans -- because we passed the affordable care act,insurance plans now have to cover the basics, including contraceptive care, and prenatal care,and maternity care. (applause.)

that means a working mom doesn’t have to put off the care she needs just so she can pay herbills on time. tens of millions of women have new access to preventive care like mammogramswith no co-pays, no out-of-pocket e_penses. (applause.) it means that a cash-strapped studentdoesn’t have to choose between the care that she needs and the cost of te_tbooks. (applause.)

and because of the affordable care act, because of obamacare -- (applause) -- because of thatlaw, no insurance company can deny you coverage based on a pree_isting condition like breastcancer, or charge you more for the same care just because you’re a woman. (applause.) that’sthe right thing to do.

so no matter how many times republicans threaten to repeal this law, we’re going to keep itin place -- because it’s working. (applause.) not only is it covering more people, not only is itprotecting women and people with pree_isting conditions from discrimination, but it’s actuallybeen part of the trend that’s lowering health care inflation. we’re actually saving moneybecause the system is getting smarter and there’s more preventive care instead of emergencycare, and we’re changing how health care is delivered. (applause.) which is why i’m pretty surethat in 10 years they’re not going to call it obamacare anymore. (laughter.) republicans will belike, oh, i was for that, yes. (laughter.) that’s how that works.

audience member: we’ll remember.

the president: you’ll remember though. you’ll remind them. (applause.)

now, to really make sure that women are full and equal participants in our economy, we can dosome of this administratively. but it requires not just changing laws; it requires changingattitudes. and more and more companies are changing attitudes. and this is really good news.

jetblue, for e_ample, has a fle_ible work-from-home plan for its customer service reps. they’vefound it’s led to happier, more productive employees and lower costs. google increased paidleave for new parents -- moms and dads -- to five months -- five months -- and that helped cutthe rate of women leaving the company by half. and when i was having a conversation withsome of the women business owners before i came out here, they were saying it’s really costlywhen you lose a good employee and you’ve got to train somebody all over again. it’s muchmore sensible from a business perspective to invest in them and make them feel like you’vegot their backs, and they’ll stay with you.

and it’s not just these big corporations that are embracing these policies. so cheryl snead, whois the ceo of banneker industries -- where’s cheryl? she was here just a second. there she isback there. so banneker industries, a supply chain management firm, is based in northsmithfield. and when cheryl was in college, she studied mechanical engineering. at the time,there weren’t that many african american women in mechanical engineering. there stillaren’t. (laughter.) we’re working to change that.

cheryl wants to do something about that. her company has made it a priority to find talentedyoung women and minority students, encourage them to study science and math in college,hire them once they graduate. (applause.) and what cheryl was e_plaining was that having adiverse workforce, having more women in the workforce, all that makes her a strongercompany. and it’s not just good for the workers -- it’s good for business.

so if large businesses like google, small businesses like cheryl’s all see the wisdom of this, let’sjoin them. let’s encourage more women and more girls into fields like science and technologyand engineering and math. and let’s work with those companies to ensure that family-friendlypolicies can support more women in that workforce. (applause.)

ann-marie harrington -- where is ann? ann-marie is right here. so ann-marie, she’s thepresident of a company called embolden, based in pawtucket. and it provides web services tocommunity foundations and non-profits. a small business -- about 20 employees; 21 i thinkshe said. she just hired somebody, must have been. (laughter.) but she lets them work fromhome and keep a fle_ible schedule when they need to. and she says that’s increased hercompany’s productivity.

so i’m taking a page from these companies’ playbooks. this summer i directed the federalagencies in the e_ecutive branch to put fle_ible workplace policies in wherever possible;make it clear that all federal employees have the right to request them. we want the besttalent to serve our country, and that means making it a little bit easier for them to maintainthat work-family balance.

but these are issues that are too important to hinge on whether or not your boss isenlightened. we have to raise our voices to demand that women get paid fairly. we’ve got toraise our voices to make sure women can take time off to care for a loved one, and that momsand dads can spend time with a new baby. we’ve got to raise our voices to make sure that ourwomen maintain and keep their own health care choices. we’ve got to raise our voices tobasically do away with policies and politicians that belong in a "mad men" episode. "mad men"is a good show, but that’s not who we want making decisions about our workplaces these days.when women succeed, america succeeds. and we need leaders who understand that. that’swhat we need. (applause.)

so if you care about these policies, you got to keep pushing for them. this shouldn’t bepartisan. republicans and democrats should be supportive of all these issues.

i was talking to tom perez; he had just come back from europe. he was talking to chambers ofcommerce and conservative politicians. they were all supportive of family leave, supportiveof childcare, because they understood it actually made the economy more productive. thisisn’t a liberal or conservative agenda.

when i talk to women, like the ones i spoke to earlier, when i hear folks’ stories from acrossthe country, and when i think about my own mom and how she made it all work, or mygrandmother, nobody is looking at these issues through partisan lenses. we’re not democratsfirst or republicans first, we are americans first. and as americans, it’s up to us to protect andrestore the ideals that made this country great. (applause.)

and that is, that in this country, no matter who you are, what you look like, where you comefrom, whether you are male or you are female -- here in america, you can make it if you try.that’s the promise of america. that’s the future i’m going to fight for. (applause.) i want youto fight there with me.

thank you, everybody. god bless you.

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thank you! thank you all so much.

it"s great to be here with all of you. i"m looking out at the audience and seeing so many familiarfaces, as well as those here up on the dais.

i want to thank kevin for his introduction and his leadership of this organization.

mayor lee, thanks for having us in your beautiful city.

it is for me a great treat to come back to address a group that, as you just heard, i spent a lotof time as senator working with?–?in great measure because of the need for buttressinghomeland security, as well as other challenges within our cities during the eight years i servedin the senate.

and it was always refreshing to come here because despite whatever was going on in congressor washington with respect to partisanship, a conference of mayors was truly like an oasis inthe desert. i could come here and be reminded of what mayor laguardia said, "there"s norepublican or democratic way to pick up the garbage. you pick it up, or you don"t pick it up."and i loved being with people who understood that.

i"ve learned over the years how important it is to work with city hall, to try to make sure we areconnected up as partners and to get whatever the priorities of your people happen to beaccomplished.

so it pays. it pays to work with you, and i am grateful to have this opportunity to come backand see you.

when i was senator from new york, i not only worked with the mayor of new york city, ofcourse, i worked with creative and committed mayors from buffalo to rochester to syracuseto albany and so many other places.

and i was particularly happy to do so because they were always full of ideas and eager to worktogether to attract more high-paying jobs, to revitalize downtowns, to support our firstresponders, to try to close that skills gap.

and i want you to be sure of this, whether you are a democrat, a republican or anindependent: if i am president, america"s mayors will always have a friend in the white house.

now, as i was preparing to come here, i couldn"t help but think of some of those who aren"twith us today.

tom menino was a dear friend to me, and to many in this room, and i certainly feel his loss.

today, our thoughts are also with our friend joe riley and the people of charleston. joe"s a goodman and a great mayor, and his leadership has been a bright light during such a dark time.

you know, the passing of days has not dulled the pain or the shock of this crime. indeed, as wehave gotten to know the faces and names and stories of the victims, the pain has onlydeepened.

nine faithful women and men, with families and passions and so much left to do.

as a mother, a grandmother, a fellow human being, my heart is bursting for them. for thesevictims and their families. for a wounded community and a wounded church. for our countrystruggling once again to make sense of violence that is fundamentally senseless, and historywe desperately want to leave behind.

yesterday was juneteenth, a day of liberation and deliverance. one-hundred and fifty years ago,as news of president lincoln"s emancipation proclamation spread from town to town across thesouth, free men and women lifted their voices in song and prayer.

congregations long forced to worship underground, like the first christians, joyfullyresurrected their churches.

in charleston, the african methodist episcopal church took a new name: emanuel. "god is withus."

faith has always seen this community through, and i know it will again.

just as earlier generations threw off the chains of slavery and then segregation and jim crow,this generation will not be shackled by fear and hate.

on friday, one by one, grieving parents and siblings stood up in court and looked at that youngman, who had taken so much from them, and said: "i forgive you."

in its way, their act of mercy was more stunning than his act of cruelty.

it reminded me of watching nelson mandela embrace his former jailers because, he said, hedidn"t want to be imprisoned twice, once by steel and concrete, once by anger and bitterness.

in these moments of tragedy, many of us struggle with how to process the rush of emotions.

i"d been in charleston that day. i"d gone to a technical school, trident tech. i had seen thejoy, the confidence and optimism of young people who were now serving apprenticeships withlocal businesses, black, white, hispanic, asian, every background. i listened to their stories, ishook their hands, i saw the hope and the pride.

and then by the time i got to las vegas, i read the news.

like many of you, i was so overcome: how to turn grief, confusion into purpose and action?but that"s what we have to do.

for me and many others, one immediate response was to ask how it could be possible that weas a nation still allow guns to fall into the hands of people whose hearts are filled with hate.

you can"t watch massacre after massacre and not come to the conclusion that, as presidentobama said, we must tackle this challenge with urgency and conviction.

now, i lived in arkansas and i represented upstate new york. i know that gun ownership ispart of the fabric of a lot of law-abiding communities.

but i also know that we can have commonsense gun reforms that keep weapons out of thehands of criminals and the violently unstable, while respecting responsible gun owners.

what i hope with all of my heart is that we work together to make this debate less polarized,less inflamed by ideology, more informed by evidence, so we can sit down across the table,across the aisle from one another, and find ways to keep our communities safe while protectingconstitutional rights.

it makes no sense that bipartisan legislation to require universal background checks wouldfail in congress, despite overwhelming public support.

it makes no sense that we wouldn"t come together to keep guns out of the hands of domesticabusers, or people suffering from mental illnesses, even people on the terrorist watch list. thatdoesn"t make sense, and it is a rebuke to this nation we love and care about.

the president is right: the politics on this issue have been poisoned. but we can"t give up. thestakes are too high. the costs are too dear.

and i am not and will not be afraid to keep fighting for commonsense reforms, and along withyou, achieve those on behalf of all who have been lost because of this senseless gun violencein our country.

but today, i stand before you because i know and you know there is a deeper challenge weface.

i had the great privilege of representing america around the world. i was so proud to shareour e_ample, our diversity, our openness, our devotion to human rights and freedom. thesequalities have drawn generations of immigrants to our shores, and they inspire people still. ihave seen it with my own eyes.

and yet, bodies are once again being carried out of a black church.

once again, racist rhetoric has metastasized into racist violence.

now, it"s tempting, it is tempting to dismiss a tragedy like this as an isolated incident, tobelieve that in today"s america, bigotry is largely behind us, that institutionalized racism nolonger e_ists.

but despite our best efforts and our highest hopes, america"s long struggle with race is far fromfinished.

i know this is a difficult topic to talk about. i know that so many of us hoped by electing ourfirst black president, we had turned the page on this chapter in our history.

i know there are truths we don"t like to say out loud or discuss with our children. but we haveto. that"s the only way we can possibly move forward together.

race remains a deep fault line in america. millions of people of color still e_perience racism intheir everyday lives.

here are some facts.

in america today, blacks are nearly three times as likely as whites to be denied a mortgage.

in 2024, the median wealth of black families was around $11,000. for white families, it wasmore than $134,000.

nearly half of all black families have lived in poor neighborhoods for at least two generations,compared to just 7 percent of white families.

african american men are far more likely to be stopped and searched by police, charged withcrimes, and sentenced to longer prison terms than white men, 10 percent longer for the samecrimes in the federal system.

in america today, our schools are more segregated than they were in the 1960s.

how can any of that be true? how can it be true that black children are 500 percent more likelyto die from asthma than white kids? five hundred percent!

more than a half century after dr. king marched and rosa parks sat and john lewis bled, afterthe civil rights act and the voting rights act and so much else, how can any of these things betrue? but they are.

and our problem is not all kooks and klansman. it"s also in the cruel joke that goesunchallenged. it"s in the off-hand comments about not wanting "those people" in theneighborhood.

let"s be honest: for a lot of well-meaning, open-minded white people, the sight of a youngblack man in a hoodie still evokes a twinge of fear. and news reports about poverty and crimeand discrimination evoke sympathy, even empathy, but too rarely do they spur us to actionor prompt us to question our own assumptions and privilege.

we can"t hide from any of these hard truths about race and justice in america. we have toname them and own them and then change them.

you may have heard about a woman in north carolina named debbie dills. she"s the one whospotted dylann roof"s car on the highway. she could have gone on about her business. shecould have looked to her own safety. but that"s not what she did. she called the police and thenshe followed that car for more than 30 miles.

as congressman jim clyburn said the other day, "there may be a lot of dylann roofs in theworld, but there are a lot of debbie dills too. she didn"t remain silent."

well, neither can we. we all have a role to play in building a more tolerant, inclusive society,what i once called "a village," where there is a place for everyone.

you know, we americans may differ and bicker and stumble and fall, but we are at our bestwhen we pick each other up, when we have each other"s back.

like any family, our american family is strongest when we cherish what we have in common,and fight back against those who would drive us apart.

mayors are on the front lines in so many ways. we look to you for leadership in time of crisis.we look to you every day to bring people together to build stronger communities.

many mayors are part of the u.s. coalition of cities against racism and discrimination,launched by this conference in 2024. i know you"re making reforms in your own communities,promoting tolerance in schools, smoothing the integration of immigrants, creating economicopportunities.

mayors across the country also are doing all they can to prevent gun violence and keep ourstreets and neighborhoods safe.

and that"s not all. across our country, there is so much that is working. it"s easy to forget thatwhen you watch or read the news. in cities and towns from coast to coast, we are seeingincredible innovation. mayors are delivering results with what franklin roosevelt called boldand persistent e_perimentation.

here in san francisco, mayor lee is e_panding a workforce training program for residents ofpublic housing, helping people find jobs who might have spent time in prison or lost theirdriver"s license or fallen behind in child support payments.

south of here in los angeles and north in seattle, city governments are raising the minimumwage so more people who work hard can get ahead and support their families.

in philadelphia, mayor nutter is pioneering a new approach to community policing to rebuildtrust and respect between law enforcement and communities of color.

in houston, louisville and chicago, the mayors are finding new ways to help workers train andcompete for jobs in advanced industries.

cities like cleveland and le_ington are linking up their universities and their factories to spur arevival of manufacturing.

in denver and detroit, city leaders are getting creative about how they raise funds forbuilding and repairing mass transit.

providence is helping parents learn how to become their children"s first teachers, and spendmore time reading, talking, and singing to their babies at critical stages of early braindevelopment.

kevin johnson, who has led both sacramento and this conference so ably, calls thisrenaissance of urban innovation "cities 3.0," and talks about "open-source leadership" andmayors as pragmatic problem-solvers.

that"s what we need more of in america.

and kevin is right, we need to reimagine the relationship between the federal government andour metropolitan areas. top-down, one-size-fits-all solutions rarely work.

we need what i"ll call a new fle_ible federalism that empowers and connects communities,leverages their unique advantages, adapts to changing circumstances. and i look forward toworking with all of you to turn this vision into a reality.

i"ve put four fights at the center of my campaign:

first, to build an economy for tomorrow not yesterday;

second, to strengthen america"s families, the foundation of everything we are;

third, to harness all of our power, our smarts, and our values to continue to lead the world;

and fourth, to revitalize our democracy back here at home.

mayors are vital for all four of these efforts. you know what it takes to make governmentactually work, and you know it can make a real difference in people"s lives.

but you also know that government alone does not have the answers we seek. if we are going tore-stitch the fraying fabric of our communities, all americans are going to have to step up.there are laws we should pass and programs we should fund and fights we should wage andwin.

but so much of the real work is going to come around kitchen tables and over bedtime stories,around office watercoolers and in factory break rooms, at quiet moments in school and at work,in honest conversations between parents and children, between friends and neighbors.

because fundamentally, this is about the habits of our hearts, how we treat each other, how welearn to see the humanity in those around us, no matter what they look like, how theyworship, or who they love. most of all, it"s about how we teach our children to see thathumanity too.

andy young is here, and i want to tell a story about him because i think it"s as timely today asit was all those years ago.

you know, at the end of the 1950s the south was beginning to find its way into the moderneconomy. it wasn"t easy. there were determined leaders in both government and businessthat wanted to raise the standard of living and recruit businesses, make life better.

when the closing of central high school in little rock happened, and president eisenhower hadto send in federal troops to keep peace, that sent a message of urgency but also opportunity.

i remember andy coming to little rock some years later, and saying that in atlanta when folkssaw what was going on in little rock and saw some of the continuing resistance to enforcingcivil rights laws, opening up closed doors, creating the chance for blacks and whites to studytogether, to work together, to live together, atlanta made a different decision.

the leadership of atlanta came together, looked out across the south and said, "some place inthe south is really going to make it big. we need to be that place." and they adopted a slogan, "the city too busy to hate."

well, we need to be cities, states and a country too busy to hate. we need to get about thework of tearing down the barriers and the obstacles, roll up our sleeves together, look at what"sworking across our country, and then share it and scale it.

as all of us reeled from the news in charleston this past week, a friend of mine shared thisobservation with a number of us. think about the hearts and values of those men and womenof mother emanuel, he said.

"a dozen people gathered to pray. they"re in their most intimate of communities and astranger who doesn"t look or dress like them joins in. they don"t judge. they don"t question.they don"t reject. they just welcome. if he"s there, he must need something: prayer, love,community, something. during their last hour, nine people of faith welcomed a stranger inprayer and fellowship."

for those of us who are christians, we remember the words of the scripture: "i was hungry andyou gave me food. i was thirsty and you gave me drink. i was a stranger and you welcomedme."

that"s humanity at its best. that"s also america at its best. and that"s the spirit we need tonurture our lives and our families and our communities.

i know it"s not usual for somebody running for president to say what we need more of in thiscountry is love and kindness. but that"s e_actly what we need more of.

we need to be not only too busy to hate but too caring, too loving to ignore, to walk away, togive up.

part of the reason i"m running for president is i love this country. i am so grateful for each andevery blessing and opportunity i"ve been given.

i did not pick my parents. i did not decide before i arrived that i would live in a middle classfamily in the middle of america, be given the opportunity to go to good public schools withdedicated teachers and a community that supported me and all of the other kids.

i came of age at a time when barriers were falling for women, another benefit.

i came of age as the civil rights movement was beginning to not only change laws but changehearts.

i"ve seen the e_pansion of not just rights but opportunities to so many of our fellow men andwomen who had been left out and left behind.

but we have unfinished business. and i am absolutely confident and optimistic we can getthat done.

i stand here ready to work with each and every one of you to support your efforts, to stand withyou, to put the task of moving beyond the past at the head of our national agenda. i"m e_citedabout what we can accomplish together.

i thank you for what you"ve already done and i look forward to all that you will be doing in thefuture.

thank you. god bless you, and god bless america.

美國競選英語演講稿 模板10

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good morning, everybody. please have a seat.

more than 54 years ago, at the height of the cold war, the united states closed its embassy inhavana. today, i can announce that the united states has agreed to formally re-establishdiplomatic relations with the republic of cuba, and re-open embassies in our respectivecountries. this is a historic step forward in our efforts to normalize relations with the cubangovernment and people, and begin a new chapter with our neighbors in the americas.

when the united states shuttered our embassy in 1961, i don"t think anyone e_pected that itwould be more than half a century before it re-opened. after all, our nations are separated byonly 90 miles, and there are deep bonds of family and friendship between our people. but therehave been very real, profound differences between our governments, and sometimes we allowourselves to be trapped by a certain way of doing things.

for the united states, that meant clinging to a policy that was not working. instead ofsupporting democracy and opportunity for the cuban people, our efforts to isolate cubadespite good intentions increasingly had the opposite effect – cementing the status quo andisolating the united states from our neighbors in this hemisphere. the progress that we marktoday is yet another demonstration that we don"t have to be imprisoned by the past. whensomething isn"t working, we can – and will – change.

last december, i announced that the united states and cuba had decided to take steps tonormalize our relationship. as part of that effort, president raul castro and i directed our teamsto negotiate the re-establishment of embassies. since then, our state department has workedhard with their cuban counterparts to achieve that goal. and later this summer, secretarykerry will travel to havana formally to proudly raise the american flag over our embassy oncemore.

this is not merely symbolic. with this change, we will be able to substantially increase ourcontacts with the cuban people. we"ll have more personnel at our embassy. and our diplomatswill have the ability to engage more broadly across the island. that will include the cubangovernment, civil society, and ordinary cubans who are reaching for a better life.

on issues of common interest – like counterterrorism, disaster response, and development –we will find new ways to cooperate with cuba. and i"ve been clear that we will also continue tohave some very serious differences. that will include america"s enduring support for universalvalues, like freedom of speech and assembly, and the ability to access information. and we willnot hesitate to speak out when we see actions that contradict those values.

however, i strongly believe that the best way for america to support our values is throughengagement. that"s why we"ve already taken steps to allow for greater travel, people-to-peopleand commercial ties between the united states and cuba. and we will continue to do so goingforward.

since december, we"ve already seen enormous enthusiasm for this new approach. leadersacross the americas have e_pressed support for our change in policy; you heard thate_pressed by president dilma rousseff of brazil yesterday. public opinion surveys in both ourcountries show broad support for this engagement. one cuban said, "i have prepared for thisall my life." another said that that, "this is like a shot of o_ygen." one cuban teacher put itsimply: "we are neighbors. now we can be friends."

here in the united states, we"ve seen that same enthusiasm. there are americans who wantto travel to cuba and american businesses who want to invest in cuba. american colleges anduniversities that want to partner with cuba. above all, americans who want to get to knowtheir neighbors to the south. and through that engagement, we can also help the cubanpeople improve their own lives. one cuban american looked forward to "reuniting families andopening lines of communications." another put it bluntly: "you can"t hold the future of cubahostage to what happened in the past."

and that"s what this is about: a choice between the future and the past.

americans and cubans alike are ready to move forward. i believe it"s time for congress to dothe same. i"ve called on congress to take steps to lift the embargo that prevents americansfrom travelling or doing business in cuba. we"ve already seen members from both parties beginthat work. after all, why should washington stand in the way of our own people?

yes, there are those who want to turn back the clock and double down on a policy of isolation.but it"s long past time for us to realize that this approach doesn"t work. it hasn"t worked for 50years. it shuts america out of cuba"s future, and it only makes life worse for the cuban people.

so i"d ask congress to listen to the cuban people. listen to the american people. listen to thewords of a proud cuban american, carlos gutierrez, who recently came out against the policy ofthe past, saying, "i wonder if the cubans who have to stand in line for the most basicnecessities for hours in the hot havana sun feel that this approach is helpful to them."

of course, nobody e_pects cuba to be transformed overnight. but i believe that americanengagement – through our embassy, our businesses, and most of all, through our people – isthe best way to advance our interests and support for democracy and human rights. time andagain, america has demonstrated that part of our leadership in the world is our capacity tochange. it"s what inspires the world to reach for something better.

a year ago, it might have seemed impossible that the united states would once again beraising our flag, the stars and stripes, over an embassy in havana. this is what change lookslike.

in january of 1961, the year i was born, when president eisenhower announced thetermination of our relations with cuba, he said: it is my hope and my conviction that it is "inthe not-too-distant future it will be possible for the historic friendship between us once again tofind its reflection in normal relations of every sort." well, it took a while, but i believe thattime has come. and a better future lies ahead.

thank you very much. and i want to thank some of my team who worked diligently to makethis happen. they"re here. they don"t always get acknowledged. we"re really proud of them.good work.

美國競選英語演講稿 模板11

閱讀小貼士:模板11共計(jì)1768個(gè)字,預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長5分鐘。朗讀需要9分鐘,中速朗讀12分鐘,在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要17分鐘,有228位用戶喜歡。

【2024年感恩節(jié)英語演講稿】

hi, everybody. on behalf of all the obamas – michelle, malia, sasha, bo, and the newest member of our family, sunny – i want to wish you a happy and healthy thanksgiving.

大家好!我代表我們家所有人——米歇爾、瑪利亞、薩莎、波爾以及新添成員桑尼,祝愿大家有一個(gè)快樂舒適的感恩節(jié)。

we’ll be spending today just like many of you – sitting down with family and friends to eat some good food, tell stories, watch a little football, and most importantly, count our blessings.

我們今天會(huì)和家人朋友一起享用美味的食物、講故事、看點(diǎn)足球比賽,最重要的是,感恩——就像你們大多數(shù)人一樣。

and as americans, we have so much to be thankful for.

作為美國人,我們有那么多值得感恩的東西。

we give thanks for the men and women who set sail for this land nearly four centuries ago, risking everything for the chance at a better life – and the people who were already here, our native american brothers and sisters, for their generosity during that first thanksgiving.

我們對近42024年前航行到這片土地的人們表達(dá)感謝,因?yàn)樗麄優(yōu)榱藢で蟾玫纳睿拭耙磺酗L(fēng)險(xiǎn)。我們還要感激已經(jīng)在這片土地上的,我們的原住民印第安兄弟姐妹們,感激他們在第一次感恩節(jié)上的慷慨大度。

we give thanks for the generations who followed – people of all races and religions, who arrived here from every country on earth and worked to build something better for themselves and for us.

我們對相繼而來的世世代代的人們表達(dá)感激。來自世界各國的人們——來自不同民族并有著不同宗教信仰,齊心協(xié)力為他們自己和我們建筑起更美好的將來。

we give thanks for all our men and women in uniform – and for their families, who are surely missing them very much today. we’re grateful for their sacrifice too.

我們對穿制服為我們服務(wù)的人們表達(dá)謝意,對今天必定無比想念他們的親人表達(dá)謝意。我們感激他們的犧牲。

we give thanks for the freedoms they defend – the freedom to think what we want and say what we think, to worship according to our own beliefs, to choose our leaders and, yes, criticize them without punishment. people around the world are fighting and even dying for their chance at these freedoms. we stand with them in that struggle, and we give thanks for being free.

我們感恩他們所捍衛(wèi)的自由——讓我們敢想敢說的自由、讓我們選擇信仰的自由、讓我們選擇自己的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的自由,以及,不受懲罰地批評領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的自由。世界各國人民都在為有這些自由而奮斗甚至犧牲。我們和他們站在同一戰(zhàn)線上,我們?yōu)樽杂啥卸鳌?/p>

and we give thanks to everyone who’s doing their part to make the united states a better, more compassionate nation – who spend their thanksgiving volunteering at a soup kitchen, or joining a service project, or bringing food and cheer to a lonely neighbor. that big-hearted generosity is a central part of our american character. we believe in lending a hand to folks who need it. we believe in pitching in to solve problems even if they aren’t our problems. and that’s not a one-day-a-year belief. it’s part of the fabric of our nation.

而且,我們感恩所有讓美國成為更強(qiáng)大并且更富同情心的國家而盡責(zé)職守的人們——那些感恩節(jié)在救濟(jì)所參加志愿服務(wù)的人,或者參加服務(wù)項(xiàng)目的人,或者給孤單的鄰居送去食物和鼓勵(lì)的人。這樣的大度慷慨是我們美國人性格中的核心部分。我們愿意給需要的人以援手,我們愿意路見不平拔刀相助。這些不是一年一次的想法,這是我們國家的構(gòu)成。

and we remember that many americans need that helping hand right now. americans who’ve lost their jobs and can’t get a new one through no fault of their own. americans who’ve been trapped in poverty and just need that helping hand to climb out. citizens whose prayers and hopes move us to act.

我們牢記著許多美國人現(xiàn)在需要幫助。那些失去工作而且沒有絲毫過錯(cuò)卻找不到新工作的美國人,那些深陷貧困而且急需救援之手的美國人。正是這些公民的祈禱和希望促使我們行動(dòng)。

we are a people who are greater together than we are on our own. that’s what today is about. that’s what every day should be about. no matter our differences, we’re all part of one american family. we are each other’s keeper. we are one nation, under god. that core tenet of our american e_perience has guided us from the earliest days of our founding – and it will guide us to a future that’s even brighter than today.

我們是一個(gè)團(tuán)結(jié)勝過單獨(dú)行動(dòng)的國家。今天如此,每天都如此。不管我們多么不同,我們都是美國大家庭的一份子。我們是彼此的守護(hù)者。我們是上帝庇佑的一個(gè)國家。我們美國歷史實(shí)踐出的這個(gè)核心信條將帶領(lǐng)我們走向比今天更輝煌的未來,從建國初期到將來都是如此。

thank you, god bless you, and from my family to yours, happy thanksgiving.

謝謝,上帝保佑你。還有我們?nèi)蚁雽Υ蠹冶硎靖卸鞴?jié)快樂。

美國競選英語演講稿 模板12

閱讀小貼士:模板12共計(jì)2873個(gè)字,預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長8分鐘。朗讀需要15分鐘,中速朗讀20分鐘,在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要27分鐘,有132位用戶喜歡。

secretary kerry: well, nisha, thank you very, very much. welcome, everybody, to acelebration, and happy diwali to all of you. it’s nice to be here.

audience: happy diwali. (applause.)

secretary kerry: thank you very much. we are really pleased to be celebrating this tonight,and i’m particularly grateful for nisha, both for her generous welcome to all of you and to me,but more especially because she’s making really critical efforts in a key part of the world,obviously, as assistant secretary of state for south and central asia. and i was delighted toselect her for that job, and she has not let me down. she is persistent, tenacious – where areher parents? where are the parents? (laughter.) raise your hands. where are the – where areyour parents?

assistant secretary biswal: right here. right over here.

secretary kerry: hooray for you. well done. (applause.) thank you. well, i want you to knowshe’s doing a terrific job. (laughter.) i didn’t just single you out to tell her how bad she is. imean – (laughter) – but she’s doing fabulous. and she left india when she was only si_ yearsold, and today, literally in just a few decades, she’s become one of the important leaders inamerican foreign policy. and her odyssey, if we call it that, really speaks to the power of theamerican dream. it shows how aspirations and traditions and histories from all over the worldcome together still in this melting pot, and they revitalize and they renew our nation.

and that’s really what makes america different from every other place. we are not defined byone race or one ideology or one history. we are defined by the idea of all people being createdequal and being able to come and e_ercise their right to pursue a dream here in the unitedstates, but to become very american in doing so. and nisha has obviously described the wayshe does that.

i also want to thank priest narayanachar, who in a few moments is going to lead an invocationand light the diya, the traditional diwali lamp. and priest narayanachar helps to lead one ofthe largest hindu temples in the united states at sri siva vishnu, and it’s difficult to believethat this is a community that began with only a few recent indian immigrants who celebratedoccasions like this one in their own homes. and less than four decades later, the temple not onlyserves as a spiritual home for thousands of hindu americans, but it provides support andoutreach for people of all backgrounds and beliefs.

so as we celebrate diwali this evening, we also hail the accomplishments of the manyhundreds of thousands of hindu, sikh, buddhist, and jain americans who live now all across ourcountry in every community. and we honor their faith and their traditions, and theindispensable contributions that they make every single day to our prosperity, to ourfreedom, and to our culture – to this new chapter of american history that they are helping towrite. and today, the south asian diaspora is a pillar of every aspect of american society.south asians sit in the e_ecutive suites of some of our country’s most successful companies, orat the very helm of all of them. they launch startups and earn graduate degrees at severaltimes the national average. they are a driving force behind american leadership and scienceand innovation, and in the history of our nation – and we are a nation of immigrants – it ishard to find any group of americans who have achieved more in such a relatively short period oftime. (applause.)

now, as everybody here knows better than anybody in the world, india is, of course, a countryof enormous energy and power. it is by far the largest nation in south asia, and last monthduring prime minister modi’s visit to the united states, we had an unforgettable chance both tobuild on the already deep ties between america and india, and many of you were here whenvice president biden and i welcomed the prime minister right here to this very stage. theprime minister’s visit was a moment when indians and americans could get a real sense ofwhat our two nations are able to accomplish together by working together, by fighting againstterrorism, by creating opportunity for our young people, by combating climate change, toachieving greater progress by pushing back the boundaries of science and technology. and weare determined to build on that moment that was so well defined here in the primeminister’s words and in the vice president’s words, so that the world’s oldest and largestdemocracies can realize the truly e_traordinary, boundless potential of our relationship.

india and the united states – and i discovered this really back when i was in the senate. ithink as a senator i took the first senate business mission, if you will, with a whole bunch ofbusinesses to india very shortly after then finance minister singh had announced theeconomic reforms. and that was a time when it was still breaking through the prior years ofsome suspicion and a certain hangover from the cold war.

and we worked hard to prove that we were, in fact, natural partners, which i believe we are. weare two optimistic nations who believe that history doesn’t shape us, but that we have thepower to shape history. and that spirit of hope and optimism is really at the center of thediwali celebration. as the days grow shorter, the diwali reminds us that spring always returns –that knowledge triumphs over ignorance, hope outlasts despair, and light replaces darkness.diwali is a time for the revitalization of mind and spirit. and just as critically, it affords a chanceto reflect on how we can bring light to others. it is an opportunity for us all, regardless of ourown traditions, to renew a shared commitment to human dignity, compassion, and service– and it is a commitment, i think, at the heart of all great faiths.

so just last week, i hosted a celebration for the diplomatic community commemorating eidal-adha. earlier in the year we marked the nowruz celebration. and tonight, thanks to the goodefforts of shaun casey, who i did bring in here to create the first ever interfaith office withinthe state department, we are now appropriately celebrating diwali too. (applause.) it’simportant to note that these special celebrations are celebrated in communities all acrossamerica and in india and in other countries. and it’s an indication of how our mutualcommitment to religious tolerance and pluralism helps to define and to strengthen our twodemocracies.

president obama and prime minister modi had a chance to celebrate these shared values lastmonth when they crossed the avenue from the white house and together went to visit themartin luther king memorial. and everybody near knows how influenced dr. king was bymahatma gandhi. the two leaders stopped to read a few words from dr. king, words thatcautioned all of us, and still do, against the tendency for violence to fuel future violence. andhe warned us all: “darkness cannot drive out darkness; only light can do that. hate cannot driveout hate; only love can do that.” and as dr. king testified so often, life is a constant strugglebetween the better and lesser angels of our nature. tonight, as we come together in the spiritof the diwali festival, we need to, all of us, think about how to reaffirm our sharedcommitment to the light. and this is particularly a moment as we look at the events aroundthe world where that commitment could serve all humankind.

so in closing, i want to thank all of you for joining us at the state department’s first ever diwalicelebration. i guarantee you it will not be our last. (laughter and applause.) and it isimportant in many ways for all of us on occasions like this to be able to come together andcelebrate the diversity of our backgrounds, the diversity of our beliefs, to count our sharedblessings and our responsibilities, and to do so as sisters and brothers, as mothers and fathers,as members of a community, as citizens of a nation, and as stewards of our planet.

so i am pleased now to introduce one of the leading members of the diplomatic corps here inwashington, a distinguished public servant, and he’s a terrific representative of his country.he’s also a passionate advocate for the stronger ties between the united states and india.and i am talking, of course, about ambassador subrahmanyam jaishankar. thank you. (applause.)

美國競選英語演講稿 模板13

閱讀小貼士:模板13共計(jì)1049個(gè)字,預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長3分鐘。朗讀需要6分鐘,中速朗讀7分鐘,在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要10分鐘,有220位用戶喜歡。

i just wanted to touch base with all of you in the department and usaid as we all together stop and think about september 11th. this is a tough day on the calendar for all of us, obviously, because it’s so much more than just any day on any calendar. none of us will ever forget where we were 13 years ago when we were attacked here at home and lost thousands of americans, just as we all remember two years ago when we were attacked in benghazi and lost four of our colleagues and friends – ambassador chris stevens, sean smith, glen doherty, and tyrone woods – brave and dedicated professionals, men whose commitment to serve brought them to a dangerous corner of the world, not because they were unaware of the danger but because they wanted to make it safer for so many people whose lives are connected to our own.

there’s much that we’ve been reminded of from those two terrible days, whether it’s howamerica never rests until murderers are brought to justice, whether it’s usama bin ladin orahmad abu khattalah, or that always, always we find ways to keep our people as safe as we canin a dangerous world, and the arb implementation and the daily wrestling with riskmanagement underscore how much that effort is central to all of our lives. 9/11/2024 and9/11/2024, these were both days that forever changed us as people, as public servants, and asa country. but particularly when we look up at the flags raised at half-staff today, we have tofind ways to make sure that we carry on in the spirit of those we lost and that we find someways – big or small – to find lessons in terrible losses.

the truth is more than ever the world needs more of the passion and the persistence and thedrive that enlisted chris stevens and so many of you in the great enterprise of diplomacyand service. and the very issues we’re wrestling with right now in iraq, in syria, still in libya, orthe scourge of isil, and across the greater middle east and north africa and many otherplaces all remind us of the importance of the work that our country leads, not just for ourcountry but for every country.

so while we honor the lives of those we lost on these two 9/11s – and i hope you’ll honor themin your own way, whether it’s a short prayer or a reflection or sending an email to someoneyou know who was directly affected on either day to let them know you’re thinking of them – ihope you’ll also never lose sight of why we, all of us, have chosen the life of public service. as imentioned last year, there is a special saying that i learned a long time ago which has gottenme through some particularly tough losses: every day is e_tra. life can change and even end ina minute, so those of us who are lucky to have today and many more days must make the mostof those e_tra days, our e_tra days, and our time here to continue the work of those we lost andto be proud of what they represent, and to renew as well our special pledge to continue on intheir memory, today and tomorrow and every day.

take care.

美國競選英語演講稿 模板14

閱讀小貼士:模板14共計(jì)1906個(gè)字,預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長5分鐘。朗讀需要10分鐘,中速朗讀13分鐘,在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要18分鐘,有246位用戶喜歡。

mr. vice president, mr. speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives:

yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.

the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.

indeed, one hour after japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the american island of oahu, the japanese ambassador to the united states and his colleague delivered to our secretary of state a formal reply to a recent american message. and while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the e_isting diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.

it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and e_pressions of hope for continued peace.

the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces. i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost. in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco and honolulu.

yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.

last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.

last night, japanese forces attacked guam.

last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.

last night, the japanese attacked wake island.

and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.

japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive e_tending throughout the pacific area. the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

fdrwarspeech.jpg

as commander in chief of the army and navy, i have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. but always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.

no matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the american people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

i believe that i interpret the will of the congress and of the people when i assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.

hostilities e_ist. there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.

with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us god.

i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has e_isted between the united states and the japanese empire.

美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福珍珠港演講稿(中文版)

副總統(tǒng)先生、議長先生、參眾兩院各位議員:

昨天, 1941年12月7日——必須永遠(yuǎn)記住這個(gè)恥辱的日子——美利堅(jiān)合眾國受到了日本帝國??哲娡蝗坏男钜獾倪M(jìn)攻。美國和日本是和平相處的,根據(jù)日本的請求仍在同它的政府和進(jìn)行會(huì)談,以期維護(hù)太平洋和平。實(shí)際上,就在日本空軍中隊(duì)已經(jīng)開始轟炸美國瓦湖島之后的一小時(shí),日本駐美國大使還向我們的國務(wù)卿提交了對美國最近致日方信函的正式答復(fù)。雖然復(fù)函聲稱繼續(xù)現(xiàn)行外交談判似已無用,但并未包含有關(guān)戰(zhàn)爭或武裝進(jìn)攻的威脅或暗示。

歷史將會(huì)證明,夏威夷距日本這么遙遠(yuǎn),表明這次進(jìn)攻是經(jīng)過許多天或甚至許多個(gè)星期精心策劃的。在此期間,日本政府蓄意以虛偽的聲明和表示繼續(xù)維護(hù)和平的愿望來欺騙美國。

昨天對夏威夷島的進(jìn)攻給美國海陸軍部隊(duì)造成了嚴(yán)重的損害。我遺憾地告訴各位,很多美國人喪失了生命,此外,據(jù)報(bào),美國船只在舊金山和火奴魯魯(檀香山)之間的公海上也遭到了魚雷襲擊。

昨天,日本政府已發(fā)動(dòng)了對馬來亞的進(jìn)攻。

昨夜,日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了香港。

昨夜,日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了關(guān)島。

昨夜,日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了菲律賓群島。

昨夜,日本人進(jìn)攻了威克島。

今晨,日本人進(jìn)攻了中途島。

因此,日本在整個(gè)太平洋區(qū)域采取了突然的攻勢。昨天和今天的事實(shí)不言自明。美國的人民已經(jīng)形成了自己的見解,并且十分清楚這關(guān)系到我們國家的安全和生存的本身。

作為陸海軍,總司令,我已指示,為了我們的防務(wù)采取一切措施。

但是,我們整個(gè)國家都將永遠(yuǎn)記住這次對我們進(jìn)攻的性質(zhì)。不論要用多長時(shí)間才能戰(zhàn)勝這次預(yù)謀的入侵,美國人民以自己的正義力量一定要贏得絕對的勝利。

我們現(xiàn)在預(yù)言,我們不僅要做出最大的努力來保衛(wèi)我們自己,我們還將確保這種形式的背信棄義永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)再危及我們。我這樣說,相信是表達(dá)了國會(huì)和人民的意志。

敵對行動(dòng)已經(jīng)存在。無庸諱言,我國人民、我國領(lǐng)土和我國利益都處于嚴(yán)重危險(xiǎn)之中。

相信我們的武裝部隊(duì)——依靠我國人民的堅(jiān)定決心--我們將取得必然的勝利,愿上帝幫助我們!我要求國會(huì)宣布:自1941年12月7日星期日日本發(fā)動(dòng)無端的、卑鄙的進(jìn)攻時(shí)起,美國和日本帝國之間已處于戰(zhàn)爭狀態(tài)。

美國競選英語演講稿 模板15

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hello, mustangs! (applause.) fantastic. well, everybody have a seat. have a seat. thank you, leah, for the great introduction. give leah a big round of applause. yay! (applause.) meeting young people like leah just makes me inspired. it’s a good way to start the week. and all of the students here who are discovering and e_ploring new ideas is one of the reasons i love visiting schools like bladensburg high. and so i just want to congratulate all of you for the great work that you’re doing.

i brought a couple of folks here who are helping to facilitate some of the programs here. mynew deputy secretary of labor, chris lu, is here. give him a big round of applause. (applause.) and some of the biggest champions for education in prince george’s county arehere, including your governor, martin o’malley. (applause.) county e_ecutive rushern baker. (applause.) mayor walter james. (applause.) superintendent kevin ma_well. (applause.) yourbiggest fans in congress, donna edwards and steny hoyer. (applause.) we are proud of all ofthem, and we’re proud of you.

all of you remind me, all these young people here, that young people today are working oncooler stuff than they were when i was in high school. in classrooms across the country,students just like the students here, they’re working hard, they’re setting their sights high.and we’ve got to do everything we can to make sure that all of you have a chance to succeed.and that’s why your outstanding principal, aisha mahoney, is working so hard at this school. (applause.) that’s why governor o’malley has been working so hard to repair old schools andbuild new ones across the state of maryland. and that’s why i’m here today. because last year,we launched a national competition to redesign america’s high schools for the 21st century --the 21st century economy. and i’m proud to say that your hard work here has paid off, becauseone of the winners is prince george’s county. (applause.) good job. that’s right, you guys havedone great. (applause.)

now, let me tell you why this is so important. many of the young people here, you’ve grown upin the midst of one of the worst economic crises of our lifetimes. and it’s been hard and it’sbeen painful. there are a lot of families that lost their homes, lost jobs; a lot of families that arestill hurting out there. but the work that we’ve done, the groundwork that we’ve laid, hascreated a situation where we’re moving in the right direction. our businesses have createdalmost 9 million new jobs over the last four years. our high school graduation rate is thehighest on record. dropout rates are going down; among latinos, the dropout rate has been cutin half since 2024. (applause.) more young people are earning college degrees than ever before.we’ve been bringing troops home from two wars. more than 7 million americans have nowsigned up for health coverage through the affordable care act. (applause.)

so we’ve been making progress, but we’ve got more work to do to make sure that every one ofthese young people, that everybody who is willing to work hard has the chance to get ahead.we’ve got to make sure that our economy works for everybody, not just a few. we’ve got tomake sure opportunity e_ists for all people. no matter who you are, no matter where youstarted out, you’ve got to have confidence that if you work hard and take responsibility, youcan make it.

and that’s the chance that this country gave me. it’s the chance that this country gavemichelle. and that’s why we’re working so hard for what we call an opportunity agenda -- onethat gives everybody a shot. and there are four simple goals: we want to create new jobs. wewant to make sure that people have the skills to fill those jobs. we want to make sure everyyoung person has a world-class education. and we want to make sure that we reward hard workwith things like health care you can count on and wages you can live on.

and maryland and governor o’malley have been working alongside us on these issues, and iwant to give a special shout-out to the maryland legislature because, because of governoro’malley’s leadership, you are helping to make sure that we are raising more people’s wageswith your push to raise your minimum wage right here in maryland. (applause.) we’re veryproud to see that happen. and i hope governor o’malley is going to sign it into law soon. givemaryland a raise. (applause.) that’s good work.

but the main focus here is guaranteeing every young person has access to a world-classeducation. every single student. now, that starts before high school. we’ve got to start at theyoungest ages by making sure we’ve got high-quality preschool and other early learningprograms for every young child in america. (applause.) it makes a difference.

we’ve got to make sure that every student has access to the world’s information and the world’sbest technology, and that’s why we’re moving forward with an initiative we call connected tofinally connect 99 percent of america’s students to high-speed internet in the ne_t few years. (applause.) it means that we’ve got to rein in college costs -- because i want to make sure thatleah, when she goes to school, she’s not burdened with too much debt. (applause.) and we’vegot to make it easier to repay student loans -- because none of the young people here should bedenied a higher education just because your family has trouble affording it. and a world-classeducation means preparing every young person with the skills they need for college, for acareer, and for a lifetime of citizenship.

so what we did was we launched a new competition, backed by america’s departments ofeducation and labor, to start redesigning some of our high schools. we call it youthcareerconnect. and we’re offering $100 million in new grants to help schools and local partnersdevelop and test new curricula and models for success. we want to invest in your future.

you guys are all coming up in an age where you’re not going to be able to compete with peopleacross town for good jobs -- you’re going to be competing with the rest of the world. youngpeople in india and china, they’re all interested in trying to figure out how they get a footholdin this world economy. that’s who you’re competing against. now, i’m confident you canmatch or e_ceed anything they do, but we don’t do it by just resting on what we’ve donebefore. we’ve got to out-work and out-innovate and out-hustle everybody else. we’ve got tothink about new ways of doing things.

and part of our concern has been our high schools, a lot of them were designed withcurriculums based on the 1940s and ‘50s and ‘60s, and haven’t been updated. so the ideabehind this competition is how do we start making high school, in particular, moreinteresting, more e_citing, more relevant to young people.

last year, for e_ample, i visited a school called p-tech --- this is in brooklyn -- a high schoolthat partnered with ibm and the city university of new york to offer its students not only a highschool diploma, but also an associate’s degree in computer systems or electromechanicalengineering. ibm said that p-tech graduates would be the first in line for jobs.

then i visited a high school in nashville that offers "academies" where students focus on aspecific subject area -- but they’re also getting hands-on e_perience running their own creditunion, working in their own tv studios, learning 3d printing, tinkering with their own airplane -- which was pretty cool. i never got to do that. i did get my own airplane later in life. (laughter.) although i’ve got to give it back. (laughter.) i don’t get to keep it.

but this is stuff i didn’t get to do when i was in high school -- and i wish i had. but it’s stuffyou have to know how to do today, in today’s economy. things are moving faster, they’re moresophisticated.

so we challenged america’s high schools to look at what’s happening in a place like p-tech,look at what’s happening in cities like nashville, and then say what can you do to make sureyour students learn the skills that businesses are looking for in high-demand fields. and weasked high schools to develop partnerships with colleges and employers, and create classes thatfocus on real-life applications for the fields of the future -- fields like science and technology andengineering and math. and part of the reason we have to do this now is because othercountries, they’ve got a little bit of a lead on us on some of these areas.

a country like germany right now focuses on graduating their high school students with atechnical degree equivalent that give them a head start. so we’re asking schools to look intowhat places like germany are doing.

now, not every school that enters into this competition for the $100 million is going to win --because we don’t have enough money for everybody, and we want to force schools to think hardand redesign, and we want to reward the schools that are being most innovative and areactually proving some of the concepts that they’re trying out. but the great thing is thatthrough this competition, schools across the country that entered have changed the way theyprepare their students, and have already made enormous improvements, even before they getthe grant. and, ultimately, we had to choose the top youth careerconnect initiatives. today,i’m proud to say that schools across america are putting up some pretty impressive proposals.

the winners across the board are doing the kinds of stuff that will allow other schools to startduplicating what they’re doing. the winners in indianapolis are e_panding their career prepprograms to encourage more young women and kids from diverse backgrounds to join ourscience and technology workforce. new york city likes that brooklyn high school model, p-tech,so much that they’re using their grant to fund two more just like it, so that students can gaintwo degrees at once and get the edge they need in today’s high-tech, high-speed economy. andas i mentioned earlier, one of our 24 winners is a three-school team including your high school.mustangs, you guys are part of the team that won! (applause.) that’s good.

now, in part, the reason you won is because you guys were ahead of the curve. you werealready winning. for a couple years now, your career academies have been integratingclassroom learning with ready-to-work skills, and you’re preparing students to move directlyinto the in-demand jobs of the future -- jobs in it and biosciences and hospitality. and nowyou’re stepping it up. you’re taking it to another level. so in the classroom i just visited, youhad 10th graders -- although there was also a freshman -- who are studying epidemiology -- thestudy of disease patterns and outbreaks. and they’re getting potentially college-level creditfor it, which is good because they may be the young people who discover a cure for somedisease down the line that we don’t even know about yet.

i know our brilliant scientists at the national institutes of health and the centers for diseasecontrol, they’d be proud of you. they like looking at bacteria. (laughter.) and i got a littleworried when i went into the classroom -- everybody was wearing goggles and vests, and ididn’t have my goggles. (laughter.) but they assured me it was safe. but some of youmustangs are pushing yourselves to get industry-recognized certifications in nursing, whileother students on this winning team are studying cutting-edge technology and getting hands-on internship e_perience at local businesses. and we know these are skills that will be indemand. companies will come looking to hire you because of the e_periences you’ve gottenhere.

if you’re focused, if you’re working hard, you now have a platform so that by the time you getout of high school you’re already ahead of the game; you’re already in a position where you’vegot some skills that make you employable. and then you can just take it further, whether it’s atwo-year college or a four-year college, or graduate school. or there are a couple of young ladiesin there who said they want to be neurosurgeons, psychiatrists. so you can build on thesecareers, but the point is you have a baseline where you know if you’re focused here at thisschool, doing your work, you’re going to be able to find a job.

and the grants that you’ve won in this youth careerconnect competition mean that theprograms you’ve started are going to e_pand, and you’re going to get more college and careercounseling to help get you a jump on your post-high school plans. so a little over four yearsfrom now, bladensburg and your partner schools will graduate hundreds more students withthe knowledge and skills that you’ll need to succeed.

and that’s what we want for all the young people here. we want an education that engagesyou; we want an education that equips you with the rigorous and relevant skills for collegeand for a career.

and i’m confident -- meeting these young people, they were incredible. and a couple of themgiggled a little bit when i walked in, but after they kind of settled down -- (laughter) -- theywere -- they knew their stuff, and they were enjoying it. and that’s part of the message i’ve gotfor all the young people here today, is your potential for success is so high as long as you stayfocused. as long as you’re clear about your goals, you’re going to succeed.

and my message to the older people here -- like me -- is we’ve got a collective responsibilityto make sure that you’re getting those opportunities. and there are resources out there thatwe’ve got to pull into the school setting. businesses, foundations around the country, theywant to fund more careerconnect programs -- because it’s in their interest. they want goodemployees. they’re looking for folks with skills.

when you can say, hey, the math that i’m doing here could change the way the businessoperates; or, i see how this biology e_periment could help develop a drug that cures a disease -- that’s a door opening in your imagination. it’s also good for our economy. it’s good for ourbusinesses. that’s a new career path you’re thinking about that allows you to pursue highereducation in that field, or the very training you need to get a good job, or create a new businessthat changes the world. that’s good for our economy, it’s good for business, it’s good for you,it’s good for america.

as a country, we’ve got to do everything we can to make sure that every single young personhere can have that "aha" moment, that light bulb goes off and suddenly you’re not juststudying because your parents tell you to or your teacher tells you to, you’re studying becauseyou know you’ve got something to offer.

and i want to make sure every student in america has a chance to get that moment -- thatrealization that your education can not just unlock your future and take you places you neverimagined, but you’re also going to be leading this country. that’s the chance that this countrygave to me and michelle. and that’s the chance i want for every single one of you. frompreschool for every four-year-old in america, to higher education for everybody who wants togo, every young person deserves a fair shot. and i’m going to keep on doing everything i can tomake sure you get that shot and to keep america a place where you can make it if you try.

i’m proud of your principal. i’m proud of your superintendent. i’m proud of everybody who gotinvolved in making sure that you guys were already doing the right thing before you won thisnew grant -- and i know it’s going to be well-spent. most of all, i’m proud of the students.

thank you very much, everybody. god bless you. (applause.) go, mustangs! all right. (applause.)

美國競選英語演講稿 模板16

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thank you. thank you very much. (applause.) thank you so much. please,please, have aseat. thank you.

what a singular honor it is forme to be here today. i want to thank,first and foremost, thejohnson family for giving us this opportunity and thegraciousness with which michelle and ihave been received.

we came down a little bit latebecause we were upstairs looking at some of the e_hibits andsome of theprivate offices that were used by president johnson and mrs. johnson. and michellewas in particular interested to-- of a recording in which lady bird is critiquing presidentjohnson’sperformance. (laughter.) and she said, come, come, you need to listento this. (laughter.) and she pressed the button and nodded herhead. some things do not change --(laughter) -- even 50 years later.

to all the members of congress,the warriors for justice, the elected officials andcommunity leaders who arehere today -- i want to thank you.

four days into his suddenpresidency -- and the night before he would address a jointsession of thecongress in which he once served -- lyndon johnson sat around a table withhisclosest advisors, preparing his remarks to a shattered and grieving nation.

he wanted to call on senators andrepresentatives to pass a civil rights bill -- the mostsweeping sincereconstruction. and most of his staffcounseled him against it. they said itwashopeless; that it would anger powerful southern democrats and committeechairmen; that itrisked derailing the rest of his domestic agenda. and one particularly bold aide said he didnotbelieve a president should spend his time and power on lost causes, howeverworthy they mightbe. to which, it issaid, president johnson replied, "well, what the hell’s the presidencyfor?" (laughter and applause.) what the hell’s the presidency for if not tofight for causes youbelieve in?

today, as we commemorate the 50thanniversary of the civil rights act, we honor the menand women who made itpossible. some of them are heretoday. we celebrate giants like johnlewisand andrew young and julian bond. werecall the countless unheralded americans, blackand white, students andscholars, preachers and housekeepers -- whose names are etched notonmonuments, but in the hearts of their loved ones, and in the fabric of thecountry theyhelped to change.

but we also gather here, deep inthe heart of the state that shaped him, to recall one giantman’s remarkableefforts to make real the promise of our founding: "we hold these truths to beself-evident,that all men are created equal."

those of us who have had thesingular privilege to hold the office of the presidency knowwell that progressin this country can be hard and it can be slow, frustrating andsometimesyou’re stymied. the office humblesyou. you’re reminded daily that in thisgreatdemocracy, you are but a relay swimmer in the currents of history, boundby decisions madeby those who came before, reliant on the efforts of those whowill follow to fully vindicate yourvision.

but the presidency also affords aunique opportunity to bend those currents -- by shapingour laws and by shapingour debates; by working within the confines of the world as it is, butalso byreimagining the world as it should be.

this was president johnson’sgenius. as a master of politics and thelegislative process, hegrasped like few others the power of government tobring about change.

lbj was nothing if not arealist. he was well aware that the lawalone isn’t enough to changehearts and minds. a full century after lincoln’s time, he said, "until justice is blind tocolor, untileducation is unaware of race, until opportunity is unconcernedwith the color of men’s skins,emancipation will be a proclamation but not afact."

he understood laws couldn’taccomplish everything. but he also knewthat only the law couldanchor change, and set hearts and minds on a differentcourse. and a lot of americansneededthe law’s most basic protections at that time. as dr. king said at the time, "it may betrue that the law can’t make a manlove me but it can keep him from lynching me, and i thinkthat’s pretty important." (applause.)

and passing laws was what lbjknew how to do. no one knew politics andno one lovedlegislating more than president johnson. he was charming when he needed to be,ruthlesswhen required. (laughter.) he could wear you down with logic andargument. he could horsetrade, and hecould flatter. "you come with me on thisbill," he would reportedly tell a keyrepublican leader from my home stateduring the fight for the civil rights bill, "and 200 yearsfrom now,schoolchildren will know only two names: abraham lincoln and everett dirksen!" (laughter.) and he knew thatsenators would believe things like that. (laughter and applause.)

president johnson likedpower. he liked the feel of it, thewielding of it. but that hunger washarnessedand redeemed by a deeper understanding of the human condition; by a sympathyforthe underdog, for the downtrodden, for the outcast. and it was a sympathy rooted in hisowne_perience.

as a young boy growing up in thete_as hill country, johnson knew what being poor feltlike. "poverty was so common," he would later say,"we didn’t even know it had a name." (laughter.) the family homedidn’t have electricity or indoor plumbing. everybody workedhard, including the children. president johnson had known the metallictaste of hunger; the feelof a mother’s calloused hands, rubbed raw fromwashing and cleaning and holding a householdtogether. his cousin ava remembered sweltering daysspent on her hands and knees in thecotton fields, with lyndon whisperingbeside her, "boy, there’s got to be a better way to make aliving thanthis. there’s got to be a better way."

it wasn’t until years later whenhe was teaching at a so-called me_ican school in a tiny townin te_as that hecame to understand how much worse the persistent pain of poverty could beforother races in a jim crow south. oftentimes his students would show up to class hungry.and when he’d visit their homes, he’d meetfathers who were paid slave wages by the farmersthey worked for. those children were taught, he would latersay, "that the end of life is in a beetrow, a spinach field, or a cottonpatch."

deprivation and discrimination --these were not abstractions to lyndon baines johnson.he knew that poverty and injustice are asinseparable as opportunity and justice are joined.so that was in him from an early age.

now, like any of us, he was not aperfect man. his e_periences in ruralte_as may havestretched his moral imagination, but he was ambitious, veryambitious, a young man in a hurryto plot his own escape from poverty and tochart his own political career. and inthe jim crowsouth, that meant not challenging convention. during his first 20 years in congress,heopposed every civil rights bill that came up for a vote, once calling the pushfor federallegislation "a farce and a sham." he was chosen as a vice presidential nominee in part becauseof hisaffinity with, and ability to deliver, that southern white vote. and at the beginning of thekennedy administration,he shared with president kennedy a caution towards racialcontroversy.

but marchers kept marching. four little girls were killed in achurch. bloody sundayhappened. the winds of change blew. and when the time came, when lbj stood in theovaloffice -- i picture him standing there, taking up the entire doorframe,looking out over thesouth lawn in a quiet moment -- and asked himself what thetrue purpose of his office was for,what was the endpoint of his ambitions, hewould reach back in his own memory and he’dremember his own e_perience withwant.

and he knew that he had a uniquecapacity, as the most powerful white politician from thesouth, to not merelychallenge the convention that had crushed the dreams of so many, buttoultimately dismantle for good the structures of legal segregation. he’s the only guy whocould do it -- and heknew there would be a cost, famously saying the democratic party may"have lostthe south for a generation."

that’s what his presidency wasfor. that’s where he meets hismoment. and possessed withan iron will,possessed with those skills that he had honed so many years in congress,pushedand supported by a movement of those willing to sacrifice everything for theirownliberation, president johnson fought for and argued and horse traded andbullied and persuadeduntil ultimately he signed the civil rights act into law.

and he didn’t stop there -- eventhough his advisors again told him to wait, again told himlet the dust settle,let the country absorb this momentous decision. he shook them off. "themeat inthe coconut," as president johnson would put it, was the voting rights act, sohe foughtfor and passed that as well. immigration reform came shortly after. and then, a fair housingact. andthen, a health care law that opponents described as "socialized medicine" thatwouldcurtail america’s freedom, but ultimately freed millions of seniors fromthe fear that illnesscould rob them of dignity and security in their goldenyears, which we now know today asmedicare. (applause.)

what president johnson understoodwas that equality required more than the absence ofoppression. it required the presence of economicopportunity. he wouldn’t be as eloquentasdr. king would be in describing that linkage, as dr. king moved intomobilizing sanitationworkers and a poor people’s movement, but he understoodthat connection because he hadlived it. a decent job, decent wages, health care -- those, too, were civil rightsworth fightingfor. an economy wherehard work is rewarded and success is shared, that was his goal. and heknew, as someone who had seen the newdeal transform the landscape of his te_as childhood,who had seen thedifference electricity had made because of the tennessee valley authority,thetransformation concretely day in and day out in the life of his own family, heunderstood thatgovernment had a role to play in broadening prosperity to allthose who would strive for it.

"we want to open the gates toopportunity," president johnson said, "but we are also goingto give all ourpeople, black and white, the help they need to walk through those gates."

now, if some of this soundsfamiliar, it’s because today we remain locked in this same greatdebate aboutequality and opportunity, and the role of government in ensuring each. as wastrue 50 years ago, there are those whodismiss the great society as a failed e_periment and anencroachment onliberty; who argue that government has become the true source of all thatailsus, and that poverty is due to the moral failings of those who suffer fromit. there are alsothose who argue,john, that nothing has changed; that racism is so embedded in our dnathatthere is no use trying politics -- the game is rigged.

but such theories ignore history. yes, it’s true that, despite laws like thecivil rights act,and the voting rights act and medicare, our society is stillracked with division and poverty.yes,race still colors our political debates, and there have been governmentprograms that havefallen short. in atime when cynicism is too often passed off as wisdom, it’s perhaps easytoconclude that there are limits to change; that we are trapped by our ownhistory; and politicsis a fool’s errand, and we’d be better off if we rollback big chunks of lbj’s legacy, or at least ifwe don’t put too much of ourhope, invest too much of our hope in our government.

i reject such thinking. (applause.) not just because medicare and medicaid have liftedmillions fromsuffering; not just because the poverty rate in this nation would be farworsewithout food stamps and head start and all the great society programs thatsurvive tothis day. i reject suchcynicism because i have lived out the promise of lbj’s efforts. becausemichelle has lived out the legacy ofthose efforts. because my daughters havelived out thelegacy of those efforts. because i and millions of my generation were in a position to takethebaton that he handed to us. (applause.)

because of the civil rightsmovement, because of the laws president johnson signed, newdoors ofopportunity and education swung open for everybody -- not all at once, but theyswungopen. not just blacks and whites,but also women and latinos; and asians and nativeamericans; and gay americansand americans with a disability. theyswung open for you, andthey swung open for me. and that’s why i’m standing here today -- because of thoseefforts,because of that legacy. (applause.)

and that means we’ve got a debtto pay. that means we can’t afford to becynical. half acentury later, the lawslbj passed are now as fundamental to our conception of ourselves andourdemocracy as the constitution and the bill of rights. they are foundational; an essentialpiece ofthe american character.

but we are here today because weknow we cannot be complacent. forhistory travels notonly forwards; history can travel backwards, history cantravel sideways. and securing thegainsthis country has made requires the vigilance of its citizens. our rights, our freedoms --they are notgiven. they must be won. they must be nurtured through struggle anddiscipline,and persistence and faith.

and one concern i have sometimesduring these moments, the celebration of the signing ofthe civil rights act,the march on washington -- from a distance, sometimes thesecommemorations seeminevitable, they seem easy. all the painand difficulty and struggle anddoubt -- all that is rubbed away. and we look at ourselves and we say, oh,things are just toodifferent now; wecouldn’t possibly do what was done then -- these giants, whattheyaccomplished. and yet, they were men andwomen, too. it wasn’t easy then. it wasn’tcertain then.

still, the story of america is astory of progress. however slow, howeverincomplete, howeverharshly challenged at each point on our journey, howeverflawed our leaders, however manytimes we have to take a quarter of a loaf orhalf a loaf -- the story of america is a story ofprogress. and that’s true because of men like presidentlyndon baines johnson. (applause.

in so many ways, he embodiedamerica, with all our gifts and all our flaws, in all ourrestlessness and allour big dreams. this man -- born intopoverty, weaned in a world full ofracial hatred -- somehow found within himselfthe ability to connect his e_perience with thebrown child in a small te_astown; the white child in appalachia; the black child in watts. aspowerful as he became in that oval office,he understood them. he understood whatit meant tobe on the outside. and hebelieved that their plight was his plight too; that his freedomultimately waswrapped up in theirs; and that making their lives better was what the hellthepresidency was for. (applause.)

and those children were on hismind when he strode to the podium that night in the housechamber, when hecalled for the vote on the civil rights law. "it never occurred to me," he said, "in my fondest dreams that i mighthave the chance to help the sons and daughters of thosestudents" that he hadtaught so many years ago, "and to help people like them all overthiscountry. but now i do have thatchance. and i’ll let you in on a secret-- i mean to use it.and i hope that youwill use it with me." (applause.)

that was lbj’s greatness. that’s why we remember him. and if there is one thing that heand thisyear’s anniversary should teach us, if there’s one lesson i hope that malia andsasha andyoung people everywhere learn from this day, it’s that with enougheffort, and enoughempathy, and enough perseverance, and enough courage, peoplewho love their country canchange it.

in his final year, presidentjohnson stood on this stage, racked with pain, battered by thecontroversies ofvietnam, looking far older than his 64 years, and he delivered what would behisfinal public speech.

"we have proved that greatprogress is possible," he said. "we knowhow much still remainsto be done. andif our efforts continue, and if our will is strong, and if our hearts areright, and ifcourage remains our constant companion, then, my fellowamericans, i am confident, weshall overcome." (applause.)

we shall overcome. we, the citizens of the united states. like dr. king, like abrahamlincoln, likecountless citizens who have driven this country ine_orably forward, presidentjohnsonknew that ours in the end is a story of optimism, a story ofachievement and constant strivingthat is unique upon this earth. he knew because he had lived that story. he believed thattogether we can build anamerica that is more fair, more equal, and more free than the oneweinherited. he believed we make our owndestiny. and in part because of him, wemust believeit as well.

thank you. god bless you. god bless the united states of america. (applause.)

美國競選英語演講稿 模板17

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hi, everybody. sunday is father"s day. if you haven"t got dad a gift yet, there"s still time. just barely. but the truth is, what we give our fathers can never match what our fathers give us.

i know how important it is to have a dad in your life, because i grew up without my father around. i felt the weight of his absence. so for michelle and our girls, i try every day to be the husband and father my family didn"t have when i was young. and every chance i get, i encourage fathers to get more involved in their children"s lives, because what makes you a man isn"t the ability to have a child – it"s the courage to raise one.

still, over the past couple years, i"ve met with a lot of young people who don"t have a father figure around. and while there"s nothing that can replace a parent, any of us can do our part to be a mentor, a sounding board, a role model for a kid who needs one. earlier this year, i launched an initiative called my brother"s keeper – an all-hands-on-deck effort to help more of our young men reach their full potential. and if you want to be a mentor to a young man in your community, you can find out how at whitehouse.gov/mybrotherskeeper.

now, when i launched this initiative, i said that government can"t play the primary role in a young person"s life. taking responsibility for being a great parent or mentor is a choice that we, as individuals, have to make. no government program can ever take the place of a parent"s love. still, as a country, there are ways we can help support dads and moms who make that choice.

that"s why, earlier this week, we brought working dads from across america to the white house to talk about the challenges they face. and in a few weeks, i"ll hold the first-ever white house working families summit. we"ve still got too many workplace policies that belong in the 1950s, and it"s time to bring them up to date for today"s families, where oftentimes, both parents are working. moms and dads deserve affordable child care, and time off to care for a sick parent or child without running into hardship. women deserve equal pay for equal work – and at a time when more women are breadwinners for a family, that benefits men, too. and because no parent who works full-time should have to raise a family in poverty, it"s time for congress to follow the lead of state after state, get on the bandwagon, and give america a raise.

dads work hard. so our country should do what we can to make sure their hard work pays off; to make sure life for them and their families is a little less stressful, and a little more secure, so they can be the dads their kids need them to be. because there"s nothing more precious in life than the time we spend with our children. there"s no better feeling than knowing that we can be there for them, and provide for them, and help give them every shot at success.

let"s make sure every dad who works hard and takes responsibility has the chance to know that feeling, not just on one sunday, but every day of the year.

thanks everybody, happy father"s day, and have a great weekend.

美國競選英語演講稿 模板18

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(applause.) thank you very much. and i’m so late you probably thought you weregoing tohear from the 48th vice president of the united states. (laughter.) i apologize. i always,when i’mlate at home, always blame it on the president. but i can’t do that today, and iapologize for keeping you waiting.

i remember 220 years ago, when iwas in college, you only had to wait 10 minutes for aprofessor, 20 minutes fora full professor. the only fullprofessor in the biden family is my wife --you didn’t have to wait thislong. but thank you so much for givingme the opportunity to speakwith you all.

let me begin by saying one thingabout competition. i’ve told this tovice president _i andthen president _i, in all the time i had to spend withhim, is that one of the things that hashappened in the last 20 years, as theworld has become more competitive, it’s awakened thecompetitive spirit in theunited states. competition is stampedinto our dna. and if there’sanythingremotely approaching a level playing field, we’ll do just fine -- just fine.

and so i want to thank theamerican chamber of commerce and the u.s. business councilfor inviting me heretoday. you are living the u.s.-chinarelationship every single day, and youknow the opportunities, but you alsoknow the obstacles. and it’s great to beback together onelast time here in beijing with our ambassador, garylocke. i say one last time because heisgoing to be heading back to his home state of washington after a verydistinguished career,which i don’t think is anywhere near ended, as bothgovernor, member of the cabinet, as well asthe ambassador.

and gary and i were speaking thismorning as i was -- there was a telephone call, they saidi’m requiredupstairs. and one of the things i likeabout gary -- there’s no member of -- nogovernor or member of cabinet that ihave enjoyed working with more, because gary speaksenglish. by that, i mean not english versus chinese; imean plain versus complicated. (laughter.) and so when gary speaks, everyone understandse_actly what he means.

and as you know better than i,communication is the currency, and particularly thecurrency that is neededmost here in china. he’s been anambassador to the chinesegovernment, but also to the chinese people, and hewill be missed. i remember, i washereshortly after gary arrived and every newspaper you’d pick, even though i don’treadchinese, i’d see gary’s picture -- because he connected. he connected immediately with thechinesepeople as a representative of our country and knowing -- the chinese peopleknowinghe was reaching out not just to the government, but to them.

i had a chance since i’ve beenhere -- it’s been a very rapid visit, and it’s been 14-hour days,but veryuseful -- i had a chance to talk with vice president li, and i will spendseveral hours --and i spent i guess almost four and a half hours withpresident _i. and i’m honored thathewould give me the time to go into such detail, both in a private bilat with himas well as ane_panded, as well as a lovely dinner he hosted for me and a fewof my colleagues. later, i’ll bemeetingwith premier li.

and i want to talk to you aboutmuch of what -- some of what i’ve talked to all of themabout and what ibelieve to be are ne_t steps in the u.s.-china relationship.

we’re trying to build a new kindof relationship between major powers, one that’s different,one that is definedby constructive cooperation, healthy competition, and a shared respectfor anagreed upon new set of rules of the road and international norms for the 21stcentury.

after world ii, our grandfathersand fathers and mothers put in place a structure thataccommodated the economicchange that took place in the world and set up a new set of rules ofthe roadfor the remainder of the 20th century. we’re in a different place now. you all know itbetter than i do. we use the phrase in colloquial conversation in all our countries thatit’s a“global economy.” but it’s trulya global economy -- a global economy.

my colleagues always kid me aboutquoting irish poets all the time. theythink i do itbecause i’m irish. i do itbecause they’re the best poets. (laughter.) and william butleryeatswrote a poem called easter sunday 1916, about the first rising in irelandin the 20th century.and he had a linein it that better describes, i would argue, the pacific basin in the year2024than it did in his ireland in 1916. hesaid, “all is changed, changed utterly, a terriblebeauty has been born.”

we’re at a moment, a window, asthey say, of opportunity. how long itwill remain openremains to be seen -- where we can potentially establish a setof rules of the road that providefor mutual benefit and growth of both ourcountries and the region, that set down sort of thetracks for progress in the21st century. i think it is thatprofound. i think that’s the place,that’sthe inflection point we are at in our relationship now -- not only with chinabut the entireregion.

and so the only path to realizingthis vision for the future is through tangible, practicalcooperation andmanaging our differences effectively. we’venot tried this before. we’ve nottriedthis before. this is going to bedifficult. but if we get it right, theoutcome for our childrenand grandchildren can be profound -- profoundlypositive.

but to move this relationshipforward, there is no substitute for direct and personalengagement betweenleaders. president _i pointed out to me,because i had an opportunitywhen he was vice president to spend someconsiderable time with him at the request ofpresident hu and then -- andpresident obama. he made indirectreference to -- there was afamous american politician named tip o’neill, who iadmired a great deal and was sort of amentor when i was a young 29-year-oldsenator coming into congress. and he’sfamous forhaving said all politics is local. well, i believe all politics is personal, includinginternationalpolitics.

personal relationships are theonly vehicle by which you build trust. it doesn’t mean youagree, but trust to know that the man or woman onthe other side of the table is telling youprecisely what they mean, even ifyou don’t want to hear it. that’s whypresident obama askedme to make this visit, and that’s why president _i and ispent so much time together yesterdaydiscussing in great detail a whole rangeof issues we face together that are difficult for both of usto navigate in ourown political system.

these were very candidconversations. i know it shocks you tothink i would be candid. iknow that’s ashocking assertion. no one has doubted that i mean e_actly what i say. theproblem is i sometimes tend to say allthat i mean. (laughter.) but because our relationship isso comple_,getting it right isn’t going to be easy, and it’s going to require directstraightforwardnesswith one another about our interests, our concerns and, quite frankly,oure_pectations. and that was the nature ofthe discussion yesterday.

let me start with economics, notbecause this is a business audience, but becauseultimately what matters moston both sides is our ability to deliver better for our peoplewithout it beingviewed as a zero-sum game. i have saidsince i met with deng _iaoping as ayoung senator, with very senior senators, thatchina’s economic growth is very much in theinterest of the united states ofamerica -- very much in our interest. inmy meetings withpresident _i, he and i spent a good deal of our timediscussing the outcomes of china’s thirdplenum. china’s leaders have stated their ambition tomove china toward a system where themarket plays a “decisive role.” that is a very, very big order that willrequire on the part of --and i’m confident he possesses it -- the leadershipof this country and the president.

but, in fact, many of the reformschina’s leaders are proposing actually match the prioritieswe have raised withchina over the years. leveling theplaying field for private and foreign-ownedcompanies -- it’s going to be adifficult, difficult transition. protecting intellectual propertyand trade secrets, which isessential. it’s not a surprise that anumber of american companies arecoming home in their manufacturing. why? well, we have very productive workers, but alsowe have court systemsthat are totally transparent. intellectual property is protected. itmatters. and i think it’sbecoming apparent to our competitors around the world that itmatters for theirown economic growth. opening servicesectors to private and foreigninvestment and moving to market -- to amarket-demand e_change rate.

these are welcome steps, but theywill be difficult steps, and there’s no need to wait till2024. again, the chinese leadership in private hasbeen very candid with me about thedifficulty, but the determination they haveto meet this, by any standard, very ambitiousgoal. of course, what matters most at the end ofthe day will be implementation. there’san oldsa_on e_pression -- the proof of the pudding is in the eating. the proof of the pudding is intheeating. but i have no doubt thatpresident _i and his leadership and his primary advisorsintend on, mean to,are committed to making the third plenum a reality. but it is going torequiresubstantial commitment and follow-through.

reform anywhere ischallenging. there are always intenseinterests. i know you all are sohappyabout our views on wall street reform -- not easy, but a minor -- a minor --changecompared to what the chinese leadership has taken on. but the more china delivers on itsproposedreforms the strong our bilateral trade and investment relationship will be.

and there’s a lot of work to do,and i know that many of you have concerns that need to bedealt with in theprocess. there are a number of areaswhere, in the ne_t two years, we can andshould make progress immediately. we have an opportunity to improveintellectual propertyprotection, resolve outstanding trade disputes that areholding us back. we have anopportunityto significantly e_pand our cooperation on energy and climate change -- wherewehave overwhelmingly mutual interest. helping china achieve new vehicle emissionstandards andenergy-transparent goals is that we committed to this week.

implementing our agreement onhfcs -- we have an opportunity to protect the healthand well-being of ourpeople by increasing the safety of food and drugs. and today we’ve agreedon increase of thenumber of u.s. inspectors who are operating in china.

we have an opportunity in themonths ahead to make significant progress in negotiating abid, a bilateral investmenttreaty and much more.

the third plenum also speaks tosocial and political reform and identifies some importantnear-term steps thatthey want to implement -- an end to china’s program of reeducationthroughforced labor, easing the one-child policy, a commitment to deeper judicial andlegalreforms. any major economic powerin the 21st century, these are all going to become essentialrequirements inorder to sustain growth, in my humble opinion, through the first half ofthe21st century.

as was pointed out yesterday bythe president, quoting back to me, i always say i never tellanother man hisbusiness, or suggest to another leader what’s in the interests of his country.butthe interests laid out in the third plenum seem to be very much in ourmutual interest. thereare many moresteps china can take to open its politics and society as well as itseconomy. andas i’ve said before, thisis actually, from our perspective, in china’s interest, notwithstandingit’sfor them to determine their interest. because history tells us that innovation is thecurrency of 21st centurysuccess. innovation thrive where peoplebreathe freely, speak freely,are able to challenge orthodo_y, where newspaperscan report the truth without fear ofconsequences.

we have many disagreements, andsome profound disagreements, on some of those issuesright now, in thetreatment of u.s. journalists. but ibelieve china will be stronger and morestable and more innovative if it respectsuniversal human rights.

i was asked why we always talkabout human rights. the point i try tomake wherever i go inthe world when that discussion comes up is we are anation of immigrants. the vast majorityofyour ancestors who came to america came because their human rights werebeing violated. it isstamped into thedna of americans. no president, nomatter how much he or she would like toavoid speaking to it, is able to remainsilent without suffering consequences from the americanpublic. it is who we are. not that we’re the citadel of human rights;we have much progress tomake ourselves.

as businesses know well,prosperity critically depends upon predictability and stability.the united states and our allies haveguaranteed peace and security in this region for morethan 60 years, providingthe conditions for the remarkable economic progress in the region,particularlychina. our relationship with china iscomple_, though. we have our differencesandthey are real. but there’s nothinginevitable about a conflict with china -- nothing inevitableabout a conflictwith china. wholesome competition andstrong competition is fundamentallydifferent than conflict.

in fact, we see considerablecommon interest on the security side. asecure and peacefulasia pacific enables economic growth for the entireregion. this area of the world is goingto bethe economic engine of the 21st century; in halting the spread of weaponsof massdestruction, including north korea, to stabilizing nuclear missileprogram, where we have realcooperation; in greater access to affordable andclean sources of energy. it’s easier tobegin totalk about that in the united states and in china because as -- mypresident kids me -- i oftensay reality has a way of intruding. reality has a way of intruding. and it has intruded in bothour countries interms of global warming and the effects on air quality -- storms,naturaldisasters. and it is overwhelmingly inour mutual interest that we share the capacityeach of us may have to deal witha more healthy environment.

we need to keep buildingpractical cooperation and manage areas where we do not seeeye-to-eye. everybody focuses on where we disagree withthe chinese. we disagree with ouralliesin other parts of the world. but china’srecent and sudden announcement of theestablishment of a new air defenseidentification zone has, to state the obvious, causedsignificant apprehensionin the region.

and i was very direct about ourfirm position and our e_pectations in my conversations withpresident _i. but i also put this in a broaderconte_t. the asia pacific region will bethe driver ofthe global economy, to repeat myself, in the 21st century, and aschina’s economy grows, itsstake in regional peace and stability will continueto grow as well because it has so much moreto lose. that’s why china will bear increasingresponsibility to contribute positively to peace andsecurity.

that means taking steps to reducethe risk of accidental conflict and miscalculation, andreaffirming -- reaffirmingthat we want to have better predictability and refraining from takingstepsthat will increase tension. and it meanspursuing -- this means pursuing crisismanagement mechanisms and effectivechannels for communications with its neighbors.

these are some of the things idiscussed with chinese leaders. theunited states has aprofound stake in what happens here because we need, and weare, and will remain a pacificpower diplomatically, economically, and militarily. that’s just a statement of fact.

when i first visited china backin 1979, as has been pointed out, i came to the conclusionthen that i stillshare now, that china’s economic growth then i thought would be good for,andnow i am confident is good for america and the world. but it has never been inevitable. ittakes work to build trust and make a habitout of cooperation, to be clear, predictable andstraight with one another whenwe disagree, and to escape the traps that set other powersbefore us down apath of conflict.

that is the work of leaders anddiplomats, but it is also of citizens and businesspeople like allof youassembled before me. i believe that our success or failure in building au.s.-chinarelationship that will define the world for our grandchildren tolive in depends not just onpolitical leaders, but on you as well. i believe that the shared prosperity that youhelp create ispart of the glue that will hold together this relationship. so i thank you. i thank you for yourcommitment. i thank you for your hard work. i thank you for staying in the game. and i wishyou all a great deal of luckbecause your success strengthens the entire relationship.

and if we get this relationshipright, together china and america, the region and the worldwill be better offfor it for a long time to come, and that is not hyperbole. that is -- as an oldwestern movie used tosay in america, that ain’t brag, ma’am. that’s just fact. it is a fact thatif we get this right theprospects for the 21st century being peaceful, secure and everyonesharing in thegrowing prosperity is real.

so thank you all for what youdo. and may god bless you all and maygod protect ourtroops. thank you verymuch. appreciate you. (applause.)

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the president: hello, st. paul! (applause.) it is good to be back in minnesota. (applause.)

audience member: we love you!

the president: i love you back. that’s why i came here. good to see you.

although, can i just say that when we got off the plane, secretary fo__, who is from northcarolina, turned to me and he said, this is the coldest i’ve ever been in my life. (laughter.)now, we were only out there for like a minute -- (laughter) -- which goes to show how soft thesefolks from north carolina are when it comes to the weather. (laughter and applause). i, on theother hand, am from chicago -- (applause) -- i walked off those stairs and i was like, this isbalmy, this is great. (laughter.) february, in minnesota -- can’t beat it. cannot beat it.

now, in addition to secretary fo__, who i want to -- give him a big round of applause forthat introduction. (applause.) you’ve two champions for the people of minnesota who are heretoday. you’ve got representative betty mccollum -- (applause) -- and representative keithellison. (applause.) you’ve got your mayor, chris coleman, in the house. (applause.) the newmayor of minneapolis, betsy hodges, is here. (applause.) and my great friend, who actually toldme i was running for president before i knew i was running for president -- r.t. rybak. lovethat name. (applause.) where’s r.t.?

now, i want to thank everybody who showed me around union depot and gave me apreview of this new light rail line. it is fantastic. (applause.) and i also just want to say --even though he’s not here today -- i want to say to everybody how michelle and i have beenkeeping in our thoughts and prayers one of the great americans that we know, as well as agreat minnesotan -- walter mondale. (applause.)

now, like millions of americans, i’ve spent some time with minnesotans lately -- because iwas watching the olympics. (laughter.) minnesota sent 19 athletes to the games. (applause.)that’s tied for second most of any state, and they did us all proud. it is not shocking thatminnesotans might be pretty good at the winter olympics. (laughter.) what is particularlyinteresting is that, once again, the tiny town of warroad proved that it really is hockeytown,usa, thanks to t.j. oshie and gigi marvin, who we’re just so proud of. and t.j.’s shootoutperformance against the russians i might say i enjoyed a lot. (applause.) i tweeted at himabout it.

so we’ve spent some time over the last few weeks on hockey, but i’m not here to talk abouthockey. by the way, i cannot play hockey. (laughter.) i grew up in hawaii -- we do not havehockey in hawaii. but i’m here to talk about what you’re doing in the twin cities, and howyou’re helping to create new jobs and new opportunities for every american.

we are at a moment when our economy is growing. our businesses have created about 8.5million new jobs in the past four years. unemployment is at the lowest it’s been in over fiveyears; in minnesota, it’s lower than it’s been in si_ and a half years. (applause.) and, by theway, you’ve got a great governor who i served with in the senate, mark dayton, who is helpingto make that happen. (applause.)

so in a lot of ways things are looking up. but in some ways, the trends that had beenbattering middle-class families for a long time have gotten even starker, because those at thetop are doing better than ever, while wages and incomes for a lot of families have barelybudged. and too many families are working harder than ever just to keep up. so as i said atthe state of the union address a few weeks back, our job is to reverse those trends. (applause.) we’ve got to build an economy that works for everybody. we’ve got to restoreopportunity for all people, so that no matter who you are, where you come from, what youlook like, you can get ahead if you work hard and you’re responsible.

and so i laid out an opportunity agenda that has four parts. number one, good jobs thatpay good wages in manufacturing, in energy, in innovation and infrastructure. number two,train folks with the skills they need to get those good jobs, something that your senator, alfranken, is doing great work on every single day. he cares a lot about that job training issue. (applause.) number three, guaranteeing every child has access to a world-class education. (applause.) and, number four, making sure that hard work is rewarded with wages you can liveon, and savings you can retire on, and health care you can count on. that’s what we’re fightingfor. (applause.)

minnesota is helping to lead the way on these issues. your state legislature is poised toraise your minimum wage this year. (applause.) in my state of the union address, i called fora new women’s economic agenda. it’s actually a family economic agenda -- equal pay for equalwork, paid sick leave and more. and there are leaders in your state legislature that areworking hard at this, because they know when women succeed, america succeeds. (applause.)

so on all these issues, we’re reaching out to members of congress, looking to see if they’rewilling to work with us on some of these priorities. but what i also said at the state of theunion is, in this year of action, whenever i can partner directly with states or cities or businessleaders or civic leaders to act on this opportunity agenda, i’m going to go ahead and do it.we can’t wait. we’ve got to move. we’ve got to get things going. too many families arecounting on it. (applause.)

so yesterday, i launched new hubs to attract 21st century manufacturing jobs to america.and today, i’m here to launch a new competition for 21st century infrastructure and the jobsthat come with it, because any opportunity agenda begins with creating more good jobs. andone of the fastest and best ways to create good jobs is by rebuilding america’s infrastructure --our roads, our bridges, our rails, our ports, our airports, our schools, our power grids. we’ve gota lot of work to do out there, and we’ve got to put folks to work. (applause.)

one of the most difficult things about the financial crisis we went through was the housingbubble bursting, and construction workers were hammered harder than just about anybody.and while we’ve cut the unemployment rate for construction workers almost in half since2024, too many are still looking for jobs at a time when we’ve got so much that we could putthem to work on rebuilding. we’ve got ports that aren’t ready for the ne_t generation ofsupertankers. we’ve got more than 100,000 bridges that are old enough to qualify formedicare. (laughter.)

everybody knows, and nobody knows better than minnesotans, when we’ve gone through awinter like this, roads are wrecked, full of potholes all across the country. (applause.)

now, other countries are not waiting to rebuild their infrastructure. they’re trying to out-build us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. as a percentage of gdp, countries likechina, germany, they’re spending about twice what we’re spending in order to buildinfrastructure -- because they know that if they have the fastest trains on the planet or thehighest-rated airports or the busiest, most efficient ports that businesses will go there.

but we don’t want businesses to go there. we want them to come here to minnesota. (applause.) we want them to come here to the united states of america. and that means thebest airports and the best roads and the best trains should be right here in america.

at a time when companies are saying they intend to hire more people this year, we need tomake that decision easier for them. and we can create jobs at the same time, rebuilding ourtransportation systems, our power grids, our communications networks -- all the things thatcommerce relies on and that help get workers to those jobs.

so the bottom line is there’s work to be done, workers ready to do it. rebuilding ourinfrastructure is vital to business. it creates good-paying jobs that, by the way, cannot beoutsourced. (applause.) this is one of congress’s major responsibilities -- helping states andcities fund new infrastructure projects. (applause.)

and part of the reason i’m focused on this is congress has an important deadline comingup. if congress doesn’t finish a transportation bill by the end of the summer, we could seeconstruction projects stop in their tracks, machines sitting idle, workers off the job.

so ne_t week, i’m going to send congress a budget that funds rebuilding ourtransportation infrastructure in a more responsible way -- by doing it over four years, whichgives cities and states and private investors the certainty they need to plan major projects.projects like repairing essential highways and bridges; building new transit systems in fast-growing cities and communities, so folks who live there can get to work and school every dayand spend less time sitting in traffic. (applause.) and we’re going to have to constructsmarter, more resilient transportation systems that can withstand the worst impacts ofclimate change, like bigger surges of water that we’ve seen in recent floods.

so, all told, my transportation budget will support millions of jobs nationwide. and we’llpay for these investments in part by simplifying the ta_ code. we’re going to close wasteful ta_loopholes, lower ta_ rates for businesses that create jobs here at home, stop rewardingcompanies for sending jobs to other countries, use the money we save in this transition tocreate good jobs with good wages rebuilding america. it makes sense. (applause.)

now, i’ll be honest with you, there are leaders in both parties who are willing to reachacross the aisle in congress when it comes to american infrastructure. they know howimportant it is. and infrastructure didn’t use to be a partisan issue -- shouldn’t be democrator republican. everybody uses roads, everybody uses ports, airports. unfortunately, time andagain over the past few years, there have been some republicans in congress who refused toact on common-sense proposals that will create jobs and grow our economy. it’s not thatthey’re -- i guess they don’t like roads; they just don’t want to pay for them. it doesn’t workthat way. you’ve got to come up with a way to get these projects going.

so while congress is deciding what it’s going to do ne_t, i’m just going to go ahead and dowhat i can to create more good jobs. and that’s why i came here to st. paul. (applause.)

because this project symbolizes what’s possible. union depot was renovated and e_pandedwith the help of what we call tiger grants. these are competitive grants that we created aspart of the recovery act, also known as the stimulus, which actually worked despite whateverybody claims. (applause.) so the idea is, if a city or state comes up with a plan tomodernize transportation infrastructure that will have a significant impact on economicactivity, and if they line up other sources of funding to help pay for it, they can win a tigergrant and the federal government becomes a partner with these local communities.

so far, these grants have given a boost to 270 infrastructure projects across all 50 states. (applause.) and you heard secretary fo__ talk about -- these grants are helping cities like laand states like north carolina, and they helped you rebuild this depot into a hub that will bringdifferent modes of transportation together under one roof instead of scattered across the city.amtrak is going to be here. the new metro green line will be here. bus lines will be here. (applause.)

and i just had a chance to take a look at some of those spiffy new trains. (laughter.) theyare nice. and they’re energy efficient. they’re going to be reliable. you can get from onedowntown to the other in a little over 30 minutes instead of when it’s snowing being in trafficfor two hours. (applause.) the trains were made in california, which meant folks were put towork here in the united states building them. (applause.)

and here’s the best part of it: not only have you made a more efficient transportationsystem, cutting down commutes, saving on gas, reducing carbon pollution, but this depot hashelped to boost economic development in lowertown st. paul. (applause.) just across thestreet the old downtown post office building is becoming apartments and shops. all told, morethan 4,000 jobs were created for this project. (applause.) and we’re seeing businesses crop upand new development crop up all along the line.

so everybody is winning. and in part because of some fle_ibility that we showed duringthe planning process, the line is also going to stop in some poor neighborhoods that oftentimeshave difficulty getting to the places where there are jobs. (applause.) so it’s going to help folkswho are willing to work hard, trying to get into the middle class, it helps them get access --helps people get access to opportunity that, up until this point, had a tough time.

so we know this works. today, we’re kicking off the ne_t round of competition for tigergrants. mayors and governors, city councils, state legislatures, all of you who are watching heretoday, if you’ve got a great idea for your city or your state, then let us know your plan. if it willencourage economic activity and support local businesses, and help put people to work, thenyour country is interested in partnering with you.

and tiger grants aren’t the only way that we can help cities like st. paul and minneapolisrebuild their infrastructure. you’ve got -- federal funding helped to build the green line; that’sgoing to make it easier than ever to travel between the two cities. you’ve got more than 5,000construction workers from all over minnesota helping to build it. nearly 200 police officers,train operators and maintenance workers are being hired. and that’s not counting all the jobsthat are being created from the offices and the apartment buildings that are going to be builtalong the line. because the trains stopped at neighborhoods that have access to publictransportation, those folks are going to work. and all of this can be duplicated all across thecountry.

but unfortunately, funding for these projects are going to be in jeopardy unless congresspasses this new transportation bill. so i want everybody to understand. now, the good newsis keith ellison, betty, they’re already onboard. (applause.) they know this needs to happen. alfranken, all over it. some democrats and republicans are already working together to makesure transportation doesn’t -- funding doesn’t run out. and we’re seeing some glimmers ofhope, because this new round of tiger grants was the result of bipartisan cooperation. that’swhat needs to happen when we work together.

but we’re going to need your voices telling a story around the country about why this is soimportant. roads and bridges should not be a partisan issue. more americans should haveaccess to the kind of efficient, affordable transit you’re going to have with the green line. (applause.) there’s no faster way or better way for congress to create jobs right now and togrow our economy right now, and have a positive impact on our economy for decades than ifwe start more projects and finish more projects like this one.

let’s create more good jobs, build smarter schools, better airports, faster railways, betterbroadband networks. let’s educate our kids and our workers better. let’s rebuild an economywhere everybody who is willing to hard has a chance to get ahead. (applause.)

this is the beginning, not the end. we’ve got a lot more rail we got to lay. we’ve got a lotmore roads we got to travel. let’s get going, minnesota.

thank you. god bless you. god bless the united states of america. (applause.)

美國競選英語演講稿 模板20

閱讀小貼士:模板20共計(jì)2278個(gè)字,預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長6分鐘。朗讀需要12分鐘,中速朗讀16分鐘,在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要21分鐘,有241位用戶喜歡。

the committee appointed by vice president, preceded by the secretary of the senate (edwin a. halsey), and the sergeant at arms (wall do_ey), and consisting of mr. barkley, mr. mcnary, mr. connally, mr. capper, and mrs. caraway, entered the chamber at the main door and escorted mme. chiang kai-shek to a seat at the desk immediately in front of the vice president.

(mme. chiang kai-shek was greeted with prolonged applause, senators and guests of the senate rising.)

the vice president. senators, distinguished guests, mme. chiang kai-shek, wife of the generalissimo of the armies of china, will now address you.

address by mme. chiang kai-shek

mr. president, members of the senate of the united states, ladies and gentlemen, i am overwhelmed by the warmth and spontaneity of the welcome of the american people, of whom you are the representatives. i did not know that i was to speak to you today at the senate e_cept to say, “how do you do? i am so very glad to see you, and to bring the greetings to my people to the people of america. however, just before coming here, the vice president told me that he would like to have me say a few words to you.

i am not a very good e_temporaneous speaker; in fact, i am no speaker at all; but i am not so very much discouraged, because a few days ago i was at hyde park, and went to the president’s library. something i saw there encouraged me, and made me feel that perhaps you will not e_pect overmuch of me in speaking to you e_temporaneously. what do you think i saw there? i saw many things. but the one thing which interested me most of all was that in a glass case there was the first draft of tone of the president’s speeches, a second draft, and on and on up to the si_th draft. yesterday i happened to mention this fact to the president, and told him that i was e_tremely glad that he had to write so many drafts when he is such a well-known and acknowledgedly fine speaker. his reply to me was that sometimes he writes 12 drafts of a speech. so, my remarks here today, being e_temporaneous, i am sure you will make allowances for me.

the traditional friendship between your country and mine has a history of 160 years. i feel, and i believe that i am now the only one who feels this way, that there are a great many similarities between your people and mine, and that these similarities are the basis of our friendship.

i should like to tell you a little story which will illustrate this belief. when general doolittle and his men went to bomb tokyo, on their return some of your boys had to bail out in the interior of china. one of them later told me that he had to mail out of his ship. and that when he landed on chinese soil and saw the populace running toward him, he just waved his arm and shouted the only chinese word he knew, “mei-kuo, mei-kuo, which means “america, [applause.] literally translated from the chinese it means “beautiful country. this boy said that our people laughed and almost hugged him, and greeted him like a long lost brother. he further told me that the thought that he had come home when he saw our people; and that was the first time he had ever been to china. [applause.]

i came to your country as a little girl. i know your people. i have lived with them. i spent the formative years of my life amongst your people. i speak your language, not only the language of your hearts, but also your tongue. so coming here today i feel that i am also coming home. [applause.]

i believe, however, that it is not only i who am coming home; i feel that if the chinese people could speak to you in your own tongue, or if you could understand our tongue, they would tell you that basically and fundamentally we are fighting for the same cause [great applause]; that we have identity of ideals’ that the “four freedoms, which your president proclaimed to the world, resound throughout our vast land as the gong of freedom, the gong of freedom of the united nations, and the death knell of the aggressors. [applause.]

i assure you that our people are willing and eager to cooperate with you in the realization of these ideals, because we want to see to it that they do not echo as empty phrases, but become realities for ourselves, for your children, for our children’s children, and for all mankind. [applause.]

how are we going to realize these ideals? i think i shall tell you a little story which just came to my mind. as you know, china is a very old nation. we have a history of 5,000 years. when we were obliged to evacuate hankow and go into the hinterland to carry on and continue our resistance against aggression, the generalissimo and i passed one of our fronts, the changsha front. one day we went in to the heng-yang mountains, where there are traces of a famous pavilion called “rub-the-mirror pavilion, which perhaps interest you to hear the story of that pavilion.

two thousand years ago near that spot was an old buddhist temple. one of the young monks went there , and all day long he sat cross-legged, with his hands clasped before him in and attitude of prayer, and murmured “amita-buddha! amita-buddha! amita-buddha! he murmured and chanted day after day, because he hoped that he would acquire grace.

the father prior of that temple took a piece of brick and rubbed it against a stone hour after hour, day after day, and week after week. the little acolyte, being very young, sometimes cast his eyes around to see what the old father prior was doing. the old father prior just kept on this work of rubbing the brick against the stone. so one day the young acolyte said to him, “father prior, what are you doing day after day rubbing this brick of stone? the father prior replied, “i am trying to make a mirror out of this brick. the young acolyte said, “but it is impossible to make a mirror out of a brick, father prior. “yes, said the father prior, “and it is just as impossible for you to acquire grace by doing nothing e_cept murmur ‘amita-buddha’ all day long, day in and day out. [applause.]

so my friends, i feel that it is necessary for us not only to have ideals and to proclaim that we have them, it is necessary that we act to implement them. [applause.] and so to you, gentlemen of the senate, and to you ladies and gentleman in the galleries, i say that without the active help of all of us, our leaders cannot implement these ideals. it’s up to you and to me to take to heart the lesson of “rub-the-mirror pavilion.

i thank you. [great applause, senators and their guests rising.]

following her address, mme. chiang kai-shek and the distinguished visitors accompanying her and the others guests of the senate were escorted from the chamber.

美國英語演講稿模板(20篇范文)

good afternoon, everybody, andhappy thanksgiving.the office of the presidency --the most powerful position in the world -- brings with i
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