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美國(guó)總統(tǒng)林肯的就職演講

first inaugural address of abraham lincoln

monday, march 4, 1861

fellow-citizens of the united states:

in compliance with a custom as old as the government itself, i appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the constitution of the united states to be taken by the president before he enters on the e_ecution of this office."

i do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special an_iety or e_citement.

apprehension seems to e_ist among the people of the southern states that by the accession of a republican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. there has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while e_isted and been open to their inspection. it is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. i do but quote from one of those speeches when i declare that--

i have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it e_ists. i believe i have no lawful right to do so, and i have no inclination to do so.

those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which i now read:

resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment e_clusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter what prete_t, as among the gravest of crimes.

i now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so i only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. i add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the states when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another.

there is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. the clause i now read is as plainly written in the constitution as any other of its provisions:

no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.

it is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. all members of congress swear their support to the whole constitution--to this provision as much as to any other. to the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

there is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. if the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. and should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

again: in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? and might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states"?

i take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while i do not choose now to specify particular acts of congress as proper to be enforced, i do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.

it is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a president under our national constitution. during that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the e_ecutive branch of the government. they have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. yet, with all this scope of precedent, i now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. a disruption of the federal union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.

i hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the constitution the union of these states is perpetual. perpetuity is implied, if not e_pressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. it is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. continue to e_ecute all the e_press provisions of our national constitution, and the union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it e_cept by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.

again: if the united states be not a government proper, but an association of states in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? one party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the union itself. the union is much older than the constitution. it was formed, in fact, by the articles of association in 1774. it was matured and continued by the declaration of independence in 1776. it was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen states e_pressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the articles of confederation in 1778. and finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the constitution was "to form a more perfect union."

but if destruction of the union by one or by a part only of the states be lawfully possible, the union is less perfect than before the constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.

it follows from these views that no state upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any state or states against the authority of the united states are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.

i therefore consider that in view of the constitution and the laws the union is unbroken, and to the e_tent of my ability, i shall take care, as the constitution itself e_pressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the union be faithfully e_ecuted in all the states. doing this i deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the american people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. i trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.

in doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. the power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. where hostility to the united states in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obno_ious strangers among the people for that object. while the strict legal right may e_ist in the government to enforce the e_ercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that i deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.

the mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the union. so far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. the course here indicated will be followed unless current events and e_perience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and e_igency my best discretion will be e_ercised, according to circumstances actually e_isting and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.

that there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the union at all events and are glad of any prete_t to do it i will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, i need address no word to them. to those, however, who really love the union may i not speak?

before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real e_istence? will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

all profess to be content in the union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the constitution has been denied? i think not. happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the constitution has ever been denied. if by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. but such is not our case. all the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. but no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. no foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain e_press provisions for all possible questions. shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by state authority? the constitution does not e_pressly say. may congress prohibit slavery in the territories? the constitution does not e_pressly say. must congress protect slavery in the territories? the constitution does not e_pressly say.

from questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. if the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government must cease. there is no other alternative, for continuing the government is acquiescence on one side or the other. if a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. for instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present union now claim to secede from it? all who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the e_act temper of doing this.

is there such perfect identity of interests among the states to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?

plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. a majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. unanimity is impossible. the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.

i do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the supreme court, nor do i deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the government. and while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. at the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fi_ed by decisions of the supreme court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that e_tent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. it is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.

one section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be e_tended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be e_tended. this is the only substantial dispute. the fugitive- slave clause of the constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. the great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. this, i think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. the foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.

physically speaking, we can not separate. we can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. a husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. they can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.

this country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. whenever they shall grow weary of the e_isting government, they can e_ercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. i can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national constitution amended. while i make no recommendation of amendments, i fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be e_ercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and i should, under e_isting circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. i will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. i understand a proposed amendment to the constitution--which amendment, however, i have not seen--has passed congress, to the effect that the federal government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the states, including that of persons held to service. to avoid misconstruction of what i have said, i depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, i have no objection to its being made e_press and irrevocable.

the chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fi_ terms for the separation of the states. the people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the e_ecutive as such has nothing to do with it. his duty is to administer the present government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.

why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? is there any better or equal hope in the world? in our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? if the almighty ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the north, or on yours of the south, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the american people.

by the frame of the government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. while the people retain their virtue and vigilance no administration by any e_treme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years.

my countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. if there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. if it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. intelligence, patriotism, christianity, and a firm reliance on him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.

in your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. the government will not assail you. you can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. you have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while i shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."

i am loath to close. we are not enemies, but friends. we must not be enemies. though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. the mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.

亞伯拉罕-林肯第一次就職演講

星期一,1861年3月4日

我今天正式宣誓時(shí)，并沒有保留意見，也無(wú)意以任何苛刻的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來解釋憲法和法律，盡管我不想具體指明國(guó)會(huì)通過的哪些法案是適合施行的?但我確實(shí)要建議，所有的人，不論處于官方還是私人的地位，都得遵守那些未被廢止的法令，這比泰然自若地認(rèn)為其中某個(gè)法案是違背憲法的而去觸犯它，要穩(wěn)當(dāng)?shù)枚唷?/p>

自從第一任總統(tǒng)根據(jù)我國(guó)憲法就職以來已經(jīng)72年了。在此期間，有15位十分杰出的公民相繼主持了政府的行政部門。他們?cè)谠S多艱難險(xiǎn)阻中履行職責(zé)，大致說來都很成功。然而，雖有這樣的先例，我現(xiàn)在開始擔(dān)任這個(gè)按憲法規(guī)定任期只有短暫4年的同一職務(wù)時(shí)，卻處在巨大而特殊的困難之下。聯(lián)邦的分裂，在此以前只是一種威脅，現(xiàn)在卻已成為可怕的行動(dòng)。

從一般法律和憲法角度來考慮，我認(rèn)為由各州組成的聯(lián)邦是永久性的。在合國(guó)政府的根本法中，永久性即使沒有明確規(guī)定，也是不盲而喻的。我們有把握說，從來沒有哪個(gè)正規(guī)政府在自己的組織法中列入一項(xiàng)要結(jié)束自己執(zhí)政的條款。繼續(xù)執(zhí)行我國(guó)憲法明文規(guī)定的條款，聯(lián)邦就將永遠(yuǎn)存在，毀滅聯(lián)邦是辦不到的，除非采取憲法本身未予規(guī)定的某種行動(dòng)。再者：假如合眾國(guó)不是名副其實(shí)的政府，而只是具有契約性質(zhì)的各州的聯(lián)盟，那么，作為一種契約，這個(gè)聯(lián)盟能夠毫無(wú)爭(zhēng)議地由緯約各方中的少數(shù)加以取消嗎?締約的一方可以違約——也可以說毀約——但是，合法地廢止契約難道不需要締約各方全都同意嗎?從這些一般原則在下推，我們認(rèn)為，從法律上來說，聯(lián)邦是永久性的這一主張已經(jīng)為聯(lián)邦本身的歷史所證實(shí)。聯(lián)邦的歷史比憲法長(zhǎng)久得多。事實(shí)上，它在1774年就根據(jù)《聯(lián)合條款》組成了。1776年，《獨(dú)立宣言》使它臻子成熟并持續(xù)下來。1778年《邦聯(lián)條款》使聯(lián)邦愈趨成熟，當(dāng)時(shí)的13個(gè)州都信誓旦旦地明確保證聯(lián)邦應(yīng)該永存，最后，1787年制定憲法時(shí)所宣市的日標(biāo)之一就是"建設(shè)更完善的聯(lián)邦"。

但是，如果聯(lián)邦竟能由一個(gè)州或幾個(gè)州按照法律加以取消的話，那么聯(lián)邦就不如制憲前完善了，因?yàn)樗鼏适Я擞谰眯赃@個(gè)重要因素。

根據(jù)這些觀點(diǎn)，任何一個(gè)州都不能只憑自己的動(dòng)儀就能合法地脫離聯(lián)邦;凡為此目的而作出的決議和法令在法律上都是無(wú)效的，任何一個(gè)州或幾個(gè)州反對(duì)合眾國(guó)當(dāng)局的暴力行動(dòng)都應(yīng)根據(jù)憎況視為叛亂或革命。因此，我認(rèn)為，根據(jù)憲法和法律，聯(lián)邦是不容分裂的;我將按憲法本身明確授予我的權(quán)限，就自己能力所及，使聯(lián)邦法律得以在各州忠實(shí)執(zhí)行。我認(rèn)為這僅僅是我份內(nèi)的職責(zé)，我將以可行的方法去完成，除非我的合法主人——美國(guó)人民，不給予我必要的手段，或以權(quán)威的方式作出相反的指示，我相信大家下會(huì)把這看作是一種威脅，而只看作是聯(lián)邦已宣布過的目標(biāo)：它將按照憲法保衛(wèi)和維護(hù)它自身。

以自然條件而言，我們是不能分開的，我們無(wú)法把各個(gè)地區(qū)彼此挪開，也無(wú)法在彼此之間筑起一堵無(wú)法逾越的墻垣。夫妻可以離婚，不再見面，互不接觸，但是我們國(guó)家的各個(gè)地區(qū)就不可能那樣做。它們?nèi)缘妹鎸?duì)面地相處，它們之間還得有或者友好或者敵對(duì)的交往。那么，分開之后的交往是否可能比分開之前更有好處，更令人滿意呢?外人之間訂立條約難道還比朋友之間制定法律容易嗎?外人之間執(zhí)行條約難道還比朋友之間執(zhí)行法律忠實(shí)嗎?假定你們進(jìn)行戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)?你們不可能永遠(yuǎn)打下去;在雙方損失慘重，任何一方都得不到好處之后，你們就會(huì)停止戰(zhàn)斗，那時(shí)你們還會(huì)遇到諸如交往條件之類的老問題。

總統(tǒng)的一切權(quán)力來自人民，但人民沒有授權(quán)給他為各州的分離規(guī)定條件。如果人民有此意愿，那他們可以這樣做，而作為總統(tǒng)來說，則不可能這樣做。他的責(zé)任是管理交給他的這一屆政府，井將它完整地移交給他的繼任者。

為什么我們不能對(duì)人民所具有的最高的公正抱有堅(jiān)韌的信念呢?世界上還有比這更好或一樣好的希望嗎?在我何日前的分歧中，難道雙方都缺乏相信自己正確的信心嗎?如果萬(wàn)國(guó)全能的主宰以其永恒的真理和正義支持你北方這一邊，或者支持你南方這一邊，那么，那種真理和那種正義必將通過美國(guó)人民這個(gè)偉大法庭的裁決而取得勝利。

就是這些美國(guó)人民，通過我們現(xiàn)有的政府結(jié)構(gòu)，明智地只給他們的公仆很小的權(quán)力，使他們不能力害作惡，并且同樣明智地每隔很短的時(shí)間就把那小小的權(quán)力收回到自己手中。只要人民保持其力量和警惕，無(wú)論怎樣作惡和愚蠢的執(zhí)政人員都不能在短短4年的任期內(nèi)十分嚴(yán)重地?fù)p害政府。我的同胞們，大家平靜而認(rèn)真地思考整個(gè)這一問題吧。任何寶貴的東西都下會(huì)因?yàn)閺娜輰?duì)待而喪失，假使有一個(gè)目標(biāo)火急地催促你們中隨便哪一位采取一個(gè)措施，而你決不能不慌不忙，那么那個(gè)目標(biāo)會(huì)因從容對(duì)待而落空;但是，任何好的目標(biāo)是不會(huì)因?yàn)閺娜輰?duì)待而落空的，你們現(xiàn)在感到不滿意的人仍然有著原來的、完好元損的憲法，而且，在敏感問題上，你們有著自己根據(jù)這部憲法制定的各項(xiàng)法律;而新的一屆政府即使想改變這兩種情況，也沒有直接的權(quán)力那樣做。那些不滿意的人在這場(chǎng)爭(zhēng)論中即使被承認(rèn)是站在正確的一邊，也沒有一點(diǎn)正當(dāng)理由采取魯莽的行動(dòng)。理智、愛國(guó)精神、基行教義以及對(duì)從不拋棄這片幸福土地的上帝的信仰，這些仍然能以最好的方式來解決我們目前的一切困難。不滿意的同胞們，內(nèi)戰(zhàn)這個(gè)重大問題的關(guān)鍵掌握在你們手中，而不掌握在我手中，政府不會(huì)對(duì)你們發(fā)動(dòng)攻擊。你們不當(dāng)挑釁者，就下會(huì)面臨沖突。你們沒有對(duì)天發(fā)誓要?dú)缯覅s要立下最莊嚴(yán)的誓言："堅(jiān)守、維護(hù)和捍衛(wèi)合眾國(guó)憲法。"我不愿意就此結(jié)束演說。我們不是敵人，而是朋友。我們一定不要成為敵人。盡管情緒緊張，也決不應(yīng)割斷我們之間的感情紐帶。記憶的神秘琴弦，從每一個(gè)戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)和愛國(guó)志上的墳?zāi)股煜蜻@片廣闊土地上的每一顆跳動(dòng)的心和家庭，必將再度被我們善良的夭性所撥響，那時(shí)就會(huì)高奏起聯(lián)邦大團(tuán)結(jié)的樂章。

總統(tǒng)演講稿 模板2

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fellow citizens: for eight years, it has been my honor to serve as your president. the first decade of this new century has been a period of consequence - a time set apart. tonight, with a thankful heart, i have asked for a final opportunity to share some thoughts on the journey we have traveled together and the future of our nation.

八年的總統(tǒng)生涯，是美國(guó)人民賦予我的榮耀！21世紀(jì)的前10年是一個(gè)并不尋常的時(shí)期。今晚，我?guī)е活w感恩的心來到這里，并且我希望你們能給我最后一次機(jī)會(huì)，因?yàn)槲蚁牒湍銈兎窒砦覍?duì)過去八總統(tǒng)生涯的想法，以及我對(duì)國(guó)家未來的展望。

five days from now, the world will witness the vitality of american democracy. in a tradition dating back to our founding, the presidency will pass to a successor chosen by you, the american people. standing on the steps of the capitol will be a man whose story reflects the enduring promise of our land. this is a moment of hope and pride for our whole nation. and i join all americans in offering best wishes to president-elect obama, his wife michelle, and their two beautiful girls.

5 天以后，全世界就將會(huì)看到美國(guó)民主的活力。我即將把我的工作交由你們心目中的理想總統(tǒng)，奧巴馬！能夠接受全美人民崇敬的人，必須能夠?yàn)槟銈?，為這片土地帶來希望。對(duì)于我們的國(guó)家來說，這是一個(gè)充滿希望和自豪的時(shí)刻。并且，我渴望與美國(guó)人民一道為奧巴馬，他的妻子和兩個(gè)漂亮的女兒送去美好的祝愿。

tonight i am filled with gratitude - to vice president cheney and members of the administration; to laura, who brought joy to this house and love to my life; to our wonderful daughters, barbara and jenna; to my parents, whose e_amples have provided strength for a lifetime. and above all, i thank the american people for the trust you have given me. i thank you for the prayers that have lifted my spirits. and i thank you for the countless acts of courage, generosity, and grace that i have witnessed these past eight years.

今 天，我滿懷感激之情，感謝我的副總統(tǒng)切尼以及我所有的政府成員。我還要感謝我的妻子勞拉和我的女兒芭芭拉，詹娜，是她們給我的生活帶來了無(wú)盡的快樂和愛意。我感謝我的父母，是他們給予了我前進(jìn)的動(dòng)力。最重要的是，我感謝美國(guó)人民給予我的信任，我感謝你們給予我的勇氣、寬容。

今 晚，我的思緒回到了2001年的9月11日。當(dāng)天早晨，恐怖分子帶走了近3000人的生命。自珍珠港事件后，恐怖分子制造了美國(guó)歷史上最嚴(yán)重的一次恐怖襲擊。我想起了3天后我站在世貿(mào)中心廢墟前的情景，那時(shí)，我誠(chéng)摯地與那些夜以繼日搶救傷者的救援工人們交談，他們不顧自己的危險(xiǎn)，在濃煙滾滾的五角大樓的走廊里抓緊工作。同時(shí)，我也為不幸遇難的人感到痛心，他們是我們的英雄！我想起了阿琳-霍華德，他當(dāng)時(shí)把他死去兒子的警察盾牌交給了我，以表達(dá)對(duì)逝者的思念之情。而現(xiàn)在，我仍然珍藏著他的徽章。

as the years passed, most americans were able to return to life much as it had been before nine-eleven. but i never did. every morning, i received a briefing on the threats to our nation. and i vowed to do everything in my power to keep us safe.

隨著時(shí)間的推移，大部分的美國(guó)人民能夠從悲痛中解脫出來，并重歸"9.11"之前正常的生活。然而，我還沒有解脫。每天清晨，我都會(huì)收到簡(jiǎn)報(bào)，獲知是什么還在威脅著我們國(guó)家的安全，并且我發(fā)誓一定會(huì)竭盡全力來維護(hù)你們的安全。

over the past seven years, a new department of homeland security has been created. the military, the intelligence community, and the fbi have been transformed. our nation is equipped with new tools to monitor the terrorists" movements, freeze their finances, and break up their plots. and with strong allies at our side, we have taken the fight to the terrorists and those who support them. afghanistan has gone from a nation where the taliban harbored al qaeda and stoned women in the streets to a young democracy that is fighting terror and encouraging girls to go to school. iraq has gone from a brutal dictatorship and a sworn enemy of america to an arab democracy at the heart of the middle east and a friend of the united states.

在 過去的7年中，我們成立了新的國(guó)土安全部。我們的軍隊(duì)，軍事情報(bào)部門，以及fbi都進(jìn)行了改革。為了監(jiān)視恐怖分子的行動(dòng)，我們已經(jīng)做了充分的準(zhǔn)備，我們凍 結(jié)了恐怖分子的賬戶，并屢屢打破了他們的圖謀。我們身邊也有強(qiáng)大的同盟國(guó)，并且我們攜起手來共同打擊恐怖分子以及那些支持恐怖分子的人。在我們的幫助下，阿富汗已經(jīng)由恐怖主義的天堂轉(zhuǎn)變成了一個(gè)尚未成熟的民主國(guó)家，那里的人們正和恐怖主義戰(zhàn)斗。此外，女孩子上學(xué)也得到了應(yīng)有的尊重。伊拉克也已經(jīng)擺脫了薩達(dá) 姆的殘酷統(tǒng)治，并且其不再是美國(guó)人民的敵人。相反，伊拉克已經(jīng)成為了中東地區(qū)阿拉伯民主的核心和美國(guó)的朋友。

there is legitimate debate about many of these decisions. but there can be little debate about the results. america has gone more than seven years without another terrorist attack on our soil. this is a tribute to those who toil day and night to keep us safe - law enforcement officers, intelligence analysts, homeland security and diplomatic personnel, and the men and women of the united states armed forces.

針對(duì)我的許多決策，有人對(duì)其合法性表示出懷疑。但是，當(dāng)我們看到結(jié)果時(shí)這些人就不會(huì)再發(fā)出疑問了。在過去的七年多來，美國(guó)本土再也沒有遭受過恐怖襲擊。這要?dú)w功于那些日夜辛勞保護(hù)我們安全的人們：執(zhí)法人員、情報(bào)分析員、國(guó)土安全人員、外交人員、以及美軍的士兵們。

our nation is blessed to have citizens who volunteer to defend us in this time of danger. i have cherished meeting these selfless patriots and their families. america owes you a debt of gratitude. and to all our men and women in uniform listening tonight: there has been no higher honor than serving as your commander in chief.

受上帝的恩典，美國(guó)有這些愿意在國(guó)家危難之際挺身保護(hù)他人的公民。我非常珍惜美國(guó)可以擁有這些無(wú)私的愛國(guó)者及其家庭。美國(guó)感激你們。對(duì)于那些正在收聽的演講的美軍士兵們來說，沒有什么榮譽(yù)要比讓你當(dāng)上總司令還要崇高。

the battles waged by our troops are part of a broader struggle between two dramatically different systems. under one, a small band of fanatics demands total obedience to an oppressive ideology, condemns women to subservience, and marks unbelievers for murder. the other system is based on the conviction that freedom is the universal gift of almighty god and that liberty and justice light the path to peace.

美 軍正在從事的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)從屬于兩種系統(tǒng)之間的沖突，而這兩種系統(tǒng)又有天壤之別。在其中的一種系統(tǒng)中，一小撮狂熱分子要求所有人都服從于他們所制定的暴虐的意識(shí)形態(tài)，這些人讓婦女屈從，而對(duì)那些不相信他們暴政的人進(jìn)行謀殺。而另一種系統(tǒng)則相信自由是上帝給予全世界的禮物，自由與正義是通往和平的道路。

this is the belief that gave birth to our nation. and in the long run, advancing this belief is the only practical way to protect our citizens. when people live in freedom, they do not willingly choose leaders who pursue campaigns of terror. when people have hope in the future, they will not cede their lives to violence and e_tremism. so around the world, america is promoting human liberty, human rights, and human dignity. we are standing with dissidents and young democracies, providing aids medicine to bring dying patients back to life, and sparing mothers and babies from malaria. and this great republic born alone in liberty is leading the world toward a new age when freedom belongs to all nations.

美 國(guó)，正是基于這樣的信念誕生的。從長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)來看，推廣這種理念是保護(hù)我們公民的唯一選擇。當(dāng)人們生活在自由之中時(shí)，他們就不愿再去選擇那些追求恐怖活動(dòng)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者。當(dāng)人們對(duì)未來懷有希望時(shí)，他們就不會(huì)將自己的生命交給暴力和極端主義。環(huán)視全球，美國(guó)正在推動(dòng)人類自由、人權(quán)及人的尊嚴(yán)的發(fā)展。我們同持有不同政見者 以及年輕的民主國(guó)家同在，我們?yōu)橥炀壬峁┲委煱滩〉乃幬?，我們避免母親和自己的孩子染上瘧疾。自由是美國(guó)成立的唯一基石，并且領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界向一個(gè)自由普照全球的時(shí)代發(fā)展。

for eight years, we have also strived to e_pand opportunity and hope here at home. across our country, students are rising to meet higher standards in public schools. a new medicare prescription drug benefit is bringing peace of mind to seniors and the disabled. every ta_payer pays lower income ta_es. the addicted and suffering are finding new hope through faith-based programs. vulnerable human life is better protected. funding for our veterans has nearly doubled. america"s air, water, and lands are measurably cleaner. and the federal bench includes wise new members like justice sam alito and chief justice john roberts.

過 去的八年，我們努力擴(kuò)大美國(guó)人民所擁有的機(jī)會(huì)與希望。在美國(guó)，學(xué)生不斷上進(jìn)，以求符合公立學(xué)校更高的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。對(duì)于老人和殘疾人來說，一種新的醫(yī)療處方藥福利令他們頗感舒心。每個(gè)納稅人繳納了更少的稅款。通過以信仰為基礎(chǔ)的治療項(xiàng)目，那些癮君子和痛苦的人們找到了新希望。過去八年來的工作更好地保護(hù)了人脆弱的 生命。對(duì)于退伍老兵的補(bǔ)助幾乎增加了一倍。美國(guó)的一山一水都真切地變得更為干凈。睿智的山姆-阿力拓、首席法官約翰-羅伯茨加入到聯(lián)邦法院中。

when challenges to our prosperity emerged, we rose to meet them. facing the prospect of a financial collapse, we took decisive measures to safeguard our economy. these are very tough times for hardworking families, but the toll would be far worse if we had not acted. all americans are in this together. and together, with determination and hard work, we will restore our economy to the path of growth. we will show the world once again the resilience of america"s free enterprise system.

當(dāng) 美國(guó)的繁榮遇到挑戰(zhàn)時(shí)，我們勇敢地去面對(duì)。當(dāng)金融危機(jī)發(fā)生時(shí)，我們采取果斷措施來保護(hù)我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)。對(duì)于那些辛勤工作的家庭來說，這些都是十分艱難的時(shí)期。但是如果我們不采取行動(dòng)的話，結(jié)果將會(huì)更為糟糕。所有的美國(guó)人都站在了一起。憑借著我們的決心和辛勤工作，我們將美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)重新拉回到增長(zhǎng)的車道上。我們將 向世界再次展現(xiàn)美國(guó)自由企業(yè)制度的復(fù)興。

like all who have held this office before me, i have e_perienced setbacks. there are things i would do differently if given the chance. yet i have always acted with the best interests of our country in mind. i have followed my conscience and done what i thought was right. you may not agree with some tough decisions i have made. but i hope you can agree that i was willing to make the tough decisions.

正如所有前任總統(tǒng)一樣，我也曾經(jīng)歷過挫折。如果可能的話，我會(huì)采取不一樣的方式來應(yīng)對(duì)這些措施。但是，我總是為國(guó)家利益的最大化來行動(dòng)。你也許會(huì)不同意我所做出的一些決定，但我希望你能理解我是愿意采取這些措施的。

the decades ahead will bring more hard choices for our country, and there are some guiding principles that should shape our course.

未來的幾十年，美國(guó)將面對(duì)更多的艱難抉擇，而有一些指導(dǎo)性原則可以塑造我們的道路。

while our nation is safer than it was seven years ago, the gravest threat to our people remains another terrorist attack. our enemies are patient and determined to strike again. america did nothing to seek or deserve this conflict. but we have been given solemn responsibilities, and we must meet them. we must resist complacency. we must keep our resolve. and we must never let down our guard.

盡管我們的國(guó)家要比7年前更為安全，但目前美國(guó)最嚴(yán)峻的威脅仍然是另一場(chǎng)恐怖襲擊。我們的敵人十分耐心，并且決心要再次發(fā)動(dòng)襲擊。美國(guó)沒有故意挑起沖突。但是我們肩負(fù)著莊嚴(yán)的責(zé)任，必須同恐怖主義作斗爭(zhēng)。我們不能驕傲自滿，我們要堅(jiān)定決心，我們絕不能放松警惕。

at the same time, we must continue to engage the world with confidence and clear purpose. in the face of threats from abroad, it can be tempting to seek comfort by turning inward. but we must reject isolationism and its companion, protectionism. retreating behind our borders would only invite danger. in the 21st century, security and prosperity at home depend on the e_pansion of liberty abroad. if america does not lead the cause of freedom, that cause will not be led.

與 此同時(shí)，我們必須帶著信心和清晰的目標(biāo)參與世界事務(wù)。面對(duì)來自海外的威脅，在國(guó)內(nèi)尋求安慰是一種誘人的舉措。但是我們必須拒絕孤立主義與保護(hù)主義。退縮只會(huì)找來危險(xiǎn)。在21世紀(jì)，國(guó)內(nèi)的安全和繁榮需要依靠國(guó)外自由的擴(kuò)展。如果美國(guó)不領(lǐng)導(dǎo)自由事業(yè)，那么自由事業(yè)就將無(wú)所適從。

as we address these challenges - and others we cannot foresee tonight - america must maintain our moral clarity. i have often spoken to you about good and evil. this has made some uncomfortable. but good and evil are present in this world, and between the two there can be no compromise. murdering the innocent to advance an ideology is wrong every time, everywhere. freeing people from oppression and despair is eternally right. this nation must continue to speak out for justice and truth. we must always be willing to act in their defense and to advance the cause of peace.

一方面我們?cè)谔幚磉@些眼前和未來的挑戰(zhàn)，另一方面美國(guó)必須保持自己在道義上的明確性。我經(jīng)常談及 善惡?jiǎn)栴}，這令一些人頗感不適。但是目前這個(gè)世界確實(shí)存在著善惡雙方，而且雙方之間無(wú)法達(dá)成妥協(xié)。通過謀殺無(wú)辜來宣揚(yáng)某種意識(shí)形態(tài)無(wú)論在何時(shí)何地都是錯(cuò)誤的。將人們從壓迫與絕望中解救出來是永遠(yuǎn)正確的。美國(guó)必須堅(jiān)持為正義與真理而呼喊，我們必須保護(hù)正義與真理，并且推動(dòng)和平事業(yè)的發(fā)展。

president thomas jefferson once wrote, "i like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past." as i leave the house he occupied two centuries ago, i share that optimism. america is a young country, full of vitality, constantly growing and renewing itself. and even in the toughest times, we lift our eyes to the broad horizon ahead.

托馬斯-杰斐遜曾寫到："相比于過去的歷史，我更喜歡未來的夢(mèng)想。"隨著我馬上要離開白宮，我贊同杰斐遜這樣的樂觀精神。美國(guó)是一個(gè)年輕的國(guó)家，充滿了活力，不斷發(fā)展與更新。即便在最艱難的時(shí)候，美國(guó)仍然沒有放棄對(duì)未來的夢(mèng)想。

i have confidence in the promise of america because i know the character of our people. this is a nation that inspires immigrants to risk everything for the dream of freedom. this is a nation where citizens show calm in times of danger and compassion in the face of suffering. we see e_amples of america"s character all around us. and laura and i have invited some of them to join us in the white house this evening.

我 了解我們民族的特質(zhì)，因此我也相信美國(guó)的明天會(huì)更美好。這是一個(gè)鼓勵(lì)移民們?yōu)樽杂傻膲?mèng)想而去嘗試一切事情的國(guó)家，這是一個(gè)在面對(duì)危險(xiǎn)使仍然鎮(zhèn)定的國(guó)家，這是一個(gè)面對(duì)苦難仍抱有同情心的國(guó)家。我們?cè)谏磉叺拿恳粋€(gè)人身上都可以看到美國(guó)的特征。今晚，受我和夫人勞拉的邀請(qǐng)，一切代表也來到了白宮。

we see america"s character in dr. tony recasner, a principal who opened a new charter school from the ruins of hurricane katrina. we see it in julio medina, a former inmate who leads a faith-based program to help prisoners returning to society. we see it in staff sergeant aubrey mcdade, who charged into an ambush in iraq and rescued three of his fellow marines.

我們看到里卡斯鈉博士的美國(guó)特質(zhì)，這位校長(zhǎng)在卡特里娜颶風(fēng)的廢墟中開辦一所新的特許學(xué)校。我們看到麥地那身上的美 國(guó)特質(zhì)，這位前囚犯帶領(lǐng)一個(gè)以信仰為基礎(chǔ)的項(xiàng)目，幫助囚犯重回社會(huì)。我們?cè)谏鲜葵溸_(dá)德身上的美國(guó)特質(zhì)，他負(fù)責(zé)伊拉克的一次埋伏并拯救了三名同伴的海軍陸戰(zhàn)隊(duì)隊(duì)員。

we see america"s character in bill krissoff, a surgeon from california. his son nathan, a marine, gave his life in iraq. when i met dr. krissoff and his family, he delivered some surprising news: he told me he wanted to join the navy medical corps in honor of his son. this good man was 60 years old – 18 years above the age limit. but his petition for a waiver was granted, and for the past year he has trained in battlefield medicine. lieutenant commander krissoff could not be here tonight, because he will soon deploy to iraq, where he will help save america"s wounded warriors and uphold the legacy of his fallen son.

我 在外科醫(yī)生克里索夫身上看到了美國(guó)人民的偉大個(gè)性?？死锼鞣虻膬鹤?，一名海軍，在伊拉克光榮地獻(xiàn)出了自己的生命。當(dāng)我見到克里索夫和他家人的時(shí)候，他告訴了我一個(gè)驚人的消息：他告訴我，為了緬懷兒子，他希望加入美國(guó)海軍醫(yī)療團(tuán)?？死锼鞣蛞呀?jīng)60歲了，超過了年齡限制，但是他的申請(qǐng)得到了批準(zhǔn)。在過去的一年中，克里索夫接受了良好的訓(xùn)練，但已經(jīng)榮升少校的他今晚不能來到這里，他很快就會(huì)前往伊拉克，在那里他可以救助我們受傷的勇士并繼續(xù)他兒子為完成的事業(yè)。

in citizens like these, we see the best of our country – resilient and hopeful, caring and strong. these virtues give me an unshakable faith in america. we have faced danger and trial, and there is more ahead. but with the courage of our people and confidence in our ideals, this great nation will never tire … never falter … and never fail.

同時(shí)，從美國(guó)公民身上，我看到了我們國(guó)家優(yōu)秀的一面-我們的國(guó)家充滿關(guān)懷和希望，這樣的優(yōu)點(diǎn)令我對(duì)國(guó)家有著堅(jiān)貞的信念。我們面臨著危險(xiǎn)和審判，而且在未來我們?nèi)詫⑿枰獞?yīng)對(duì)更多的挑戰(zhàn)。然而，依靠你們的勇氣和信心，偉大的美國(guó)永遠(yuǎn)會(huì)穩(wěn)如磐石，從來不會(huì)走向沒落。

it has been the privilege of a lifetime to serve as your president. there have been good days and tough days. but every day i have been inspired by the greatness of our country and uplifted by the goodness of our people. i have been blessed to represent this nation we love. and i will always be honored to carry a title that means more to me than any other: citizen of the united states of america.

對(duì)我來說，能夠擔(dān)任你們的總統(tǒng)，是我一生的榮耀。我有過歡樂也有過困苦。但是，每天我都會(huì)受到偉大祖國(guó)的鼓舞，并且我也一直在為我們的國(guó)家祈禱。在以后的時(shí)光里，我會(huì)永遠(yuǎn)珍視這樣一段話：美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的公民。

and so, my fellow americans, for the final time: good night. may god bless this house and our ne_t president. and may god bless you and our wonderful country.

我親愛的同胞們，我的演說就到這里了，晚安！愿上帝保佑奧巴馬！愿上帝保佑你和我們美好的國(guó)家！

總統(tǒng)演講稿 模板3

閱讀小貼士：模板3共計(jì)2570個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)7分鐘。朗讀需要13分鐘，中速朗讀18分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要24分鐘，有215位用戶喜歡。

普金總統(tǒng)的就職俄文演講稿

важаемые граждане россии!

дорогие друзья!

только что в соответствии с конституцией мною были произнесены слова президентской присяги. сейчас я еще раз хочу вернуться к главному ее смыслу и сказать: обязанности президента хранить государство и верно служить народу и впредь будут для меня святы, и впредь будут для меня превыше всего.

как и раньше, буду исходить из того, что помощь и поддержка граждан российской федерации являются самой главной и самой надежной опорой в деятельности ее президента.

и сегодня хотел бы поблагодарить всех, кто оказал мне высокое доверие и честь, избрав на пост главы государства российского. всех, кто в течение прошедших четырех лет вносил свою долю труда в общие результаты нашей страны.

как и в предыдущие годы, буду работать активно, открыто и честно, сделаю все, что смогу, все, что в моих силах, чтобы оправдать надежды миллионов людей.

прошедшие годы были для нас всех нелегкими. прямо скажу: они были временем серьезных испытаний. тогда, в 20__ году, очень многие проблемы казались просто неразрешимыми.

но в критических ситуациях народ россии проявил свои самые лучшие патриотические, гражданские качества. и когда боролся за территориальную целостность, за единство страны. и когда упорным трудом создавал основы для роста экономического потенциала россии.

вместе мы сумели очень многое. и достигли всего этого только сами.

это мы сами добились высоких темпов развития нашей экономики. преодолели непростое идеологическое противостояние и сейчас становимся, постепенно становимся, единой нацией.

это мы сами остановили агрессию международного терроризма. избавили страну от реальной угрозы распада.

это мы вместе сделали нашу родину открытой страной. страной, готовой к широкому, равноправному сотрудничеству с другими государствами. страной, укрепляющей свои позиции на международной арене и умеющей мирными средствами отстаивать свои законные интересы в быстро меняющемся мире.

теперь главная цель ближайшего четырехлетия – превратить уже накопленный нами потенциал в новую энергию развития. достичь за счет этого принципиально лучшего качества жизни наших людей. добиться реального, ощутимого роста их благосостояния.

мы часто повторяем: в россии глава государства отвечал и будет отвечать за все. это по-прежнему так. но сегодня, глубоко понимая меру собственной, личной ответственности, хочу подчеркнуть: успех и процветание россии не могут и не должны зависеть от одного человека или от одной политической партии, одной политической силы. мы должны иметь широкую базу поддержки для того, чтобы продолжать преобразования в стране.

убежден: лучшей гарантией такой преемственности является зрелое гражданское общество.

только свободные люди в свободной стране могут быть по-настоящему успешными. это основа и экономического роста россии, и ее политической стабильности.

и мы будем делать все, чтобы каждый человек смог проявить свой талант и свои способности. чтобы в стране развивалась реальная многопартийность, укреплялись личные свободы граждан. чтобы люди в россии могли получать хорошее образование, достойную социальную и медицинскую помощь. чтобы они жили в достатке и могли завещать детям результаты своего собственного труда.

и, конечно, могли гордиться авторитетом сильной, но миролюбивой страны.

дорогие друзья!

нам еще многое, очень многое предстоит сделать – и для страны, и для себя, и для наших детей. сейчас для достижения поставленных целей у нас есть все возможности. есть ресурсы, свой собственный опыт, полное понимание приоритетов развития, основанное на позитивном прошлом ближайших прошедших четырех лет. и есть огромный потенциал, огромная энергия, интеллектуальный потенциал нашего народа.

мы с вами – наследники тысячелетней россии. родины выдающихся сынов и дочерей: тружеников, воинов, творцов. они оставили нам с вами в наследство огромную, великую державу.

наше прошлое, безусловно, придает нам силы. но даже самая славная история сама по себе не обеспечит нам лучшей жизни. это величие должно быть подкреплено. подкреплено новыми делами сегодняшних поколений граждан нашей страны.

и только тогда наши потомки будут гордиться теми страницами, которые мы с вами впишем в биографию великой россии.

спасибо вам за внимание.

總統(tǒng)演講稿 模板4

閱讀小貼士：模板4共計(jì)1613個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)5分鐘。朗讀需要9分鐘，中速朗讀11分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要15分鐘，有272位用戶喜歡。

good afternoon, everybody. happy friday. i thought i’d take somequestions, but first, let me say a few words about the economy.

this morning, we learned that our economy created over 200,000 new jobs in july. that’s ontop of about 300,000 new jobs in june. so we are now in a si_-month streak with at least200,000 new jobs each month. that’s the first time that has happened since 1997. over thepast year, we’ve added more jobs than any year since 2024. and all told, our businesses havecreated 9.9 million new jobs over the past 53 months. that’s the longest streak of privatesector job creation in our history.

and as we saw on wednesday, the economy grew at a strong pace in the spring. companies areinvesting. consumers are spending. american manufacturing, energy, technology, autos -- allare booming. and thanks to the decisions that we’ve made, and the grit and resilience of theamerican people, we’ve recovered faster and come farther from the recession than almost anyother advanced country on earth.

so the good news is the economy clearly is getting stronger. things are getting better. ourengines are revving a little bit louder. and the decisions that we make right now can sustainand keep that growth and momentum going.

unfortunately, there are a series of steps that we could be taking to maintain momentum, andperhaps even accelerate it; there are steps that we could be taking that would result in morejob growth, higher wages, higher incomes, more relief for middle-class families. and so far, atleast, in congress, we have not seen them willing or able to take those steps.

i’ve been pushing for common-sense ideas like rebuilding our infrastructure in ways that aresustained over many years and support millions of good jobs and help businesses compete.i’ve been advocating on behalf of raising the minimum wage, making it easier for working folksto pay off their student loans; fair pay, paid leave. all these policies have two things incommon: all of them would help working families feel more stable and secure, and all of themso far have been blocked or ignored by republicans in congress. that’s why myadministration keeps taking whatever actions we can take on our own to help working families.

now, it’s good that congress was able to pass legislation to strengthen the va. and i want tothank the chairmen and ranking members who were involved in that. it’s good that congresswas able to at least fund transportation projects for a few more months before leaving town --although it falls far short of the kind of infrastructure effort that we need that would actuallyaccelerate the economy. but for the most part, the big-ticket items, the things that wouldreally make a difference in the lives of middle-class families, those things just are not gettingdone.

let’s just take a recent e_ample: immigration. we all agree that there’s a problem that needsto be solved in a portion of our southern border. and we even agree on most of the solutions.but instead of working together -- instead of focusing on the 80 percent where there isagreement between democrats and republicans, between the administration and congress --house republicans, as we speak, are trying to pass the most e_treme and unworkable versionsof a bill that they already know is going nowhere, that can’t pass the senate and that if it wereto pass the senate i would veto. they know it.

they’re not even trying to actually solve the problem. this is a message bill that they couldn’tquite pull off yesterday, so they made it a little more e_treme so maybe they can pass it today-- just so they can check a bo_ before they’re leaving town for a month. and this is on an issuethat they all insisted had to be a top priority.

now, our efforts administratively so far have helped to slow the tide of child migrants trying tocome to our country. but without additional resources and help from congress, we’re just notgoing to have the resources we need to fully solve the problem. that means while they’re outon vacation i’m going to have to make some tough choices to meet the challenge -- with orwithout congress.

and yesterday, even though they’ve been sitting on a bipartisan immigration bill for over ayear, house republicans suggested that since they don’t e_pect to actually pass a bill that i cansign, that i actually should go ahead and act on my own to solve the problem. keep in mindthat just a few days earlier, they voted to sue me for acting on my own. and then when theycouldn’t pass a bill yesterday, they put out a statement suggesting i should act on my ownbecause they couldn’t pass a bill.

總統(tǒng)演講稿 模板5

閱讀小貼士：模板5共計(jì)2883個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)8分鐘。朗讀需要15分鐘，中速朗讀20分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要27分鐘，有199位用戶喜歡。

"我不會(huì)支持任何一項(xiàng)將所有削減赤字的負(fù)擔(dān)都?jí)涸谄胀绹?guó)人身上的方案。"20__年9月19日奧巴馬在白宮演說中開啟了他對(duì)富人征稅的計(jì)劃，他超凡的演講魅力打動(dòng)了很多人。

即便是口齒正常的國(guó)家領(lǐng)袖，想要在演說中揮灑自如也絕非是一件易事，因?yàn)槟阍趯?duì)一個(gè)國(guó)家的人喊話。以歷任美國(guó)總統(tǒng)來說，演講就是他們的必修課，當(dāng)然，凡是課程也都會(huì)有人不及格。

奧巴馬"男中音"有優(yōu)勢(shì)

總統(tǒng)演講的第一個(gè)條件：有個(gè)好嗓子，就成功了一半。但好嗓子都去百老匯了，剩下來當(dāng)總統(tǒng)的嗓音就參差不齊了。

奧巴馬天生麗質(zhì)，他是個(gè)男中音，聽起來沉穩(wěn)得多;林肯的聲音聽起來則尖聲細(xì)氣，所以今天的聽眾其實(shí)很難想象，當(dāng)林肯用他的小細(xì)嗓子，在葛底斯堡演說中高喊"我們要在這里下定最大的決心，不讓這些死者白白犧牲"，會(huì)是一種什么情景;而小布什的嗓音則聽起來有點(diǎn)滑稽，加上他不時(shí)露出笑容的臉，總讓人覺得想笑。

還有一個(gè)問題，就是林肯時(shí)代沒有演講提詞器，不過多半時(shí)候也不會(huì)出岔子，因?yàn)槟菚r(shí)候的演講稿就是他自己寫的，而且只有272個(gè)單詞，印象深刻也不會(huì)忘記很多。曾有一個(gè)段子說美國(guó)總統(tǒng)羅斯福問美國(guó)的外交官哈里曼："為什么英國(guó)首相丘吉爾的演講稿那么激動(dòng)人心呢?我們的撰稿人怎么就寫不出那么有水平的東西呢?"哈里曼說："那是丘吉爾自己寫的。"看來在演講稿這個(gè)問題上，還是躬親的效果比較好。

奧巴馬在演講上就頗有功力，這一點(diǎn)很像林肯。奧巴馬曾經(jīng)在伊利諾斯州做議員，林肯就出生在那個(gè)州，奧巴馬的選舉開始點(diǎn)就是林肯的老家斯普林菲爾德，頗有點(diǎn)向林肯致敬的意思。和林肯最為相似的是，奧巴馬的某些重要演講稿就是自己所寫。除了"偷師"林肯之外，奧巴馬的演講還有一個(gè)特色，就是他借鑒了馬丁·路德·金博士那種連貫的排比句和問句，從現(xiàn)場(chǎng)錄音就可以聽得出，因?yàn)轳R丁·路德·金在林肯紀(jì)念堂前高喊那些排比疑問句時(shí)，下面很多聽眾很激動(dòng)地高聲回答"耶"，這種句式極大地調(diào)動(dòng)了臺(tái)下聽眾的積極性。

小布什是個(gè)另類，因?yàn)楹芏嘣~他讀不清楚，所以妻子勞拉經(jīng)常需要在他上臺(tái)演講之前，一邊幫他整理衣領(lǐng)，一邊幫他校正"格魯吉亞"、"阿塞拜疆"這些國(guó)家名字的讀法。故此，曾有媒體拍到小布什的副總統(tǒng)切尼在總統(tǒng)演講時(shí)打瞌睡，連自己的副手都如此不屑，說明小布什的演講真的無(wú)聊啊。

寫演說稿是個(gè)力氣活

上文提到羅斯福非常妒忌丘吉爾的演說稿，結(jié)果發(fā)現(xiàn)那是首相大人自己寫的。但像丘吉爾這種勤于寫作的領(lǐng)袖真的比較少，多數(shù)演說稿還是由人代筆完成的，看似不長(zhǎng)的演說稿，其實(shí)對(duì)寫稿人來說就是一項(xiàng)非常的折磨，對(duì)各種政治因素的考慮和博弈，一遍遍謹(jǐn)慎的審視和修改，完全就是一件體力活。

1987年，柏林建城750周年，美國(guó)總統(tǒng)里根要去發(fā)表演說，撰寫演說稿的任務(wù)就落在了彼得·羅賓遜頭上，寫點(diǎn)什么呢?

當(dāng)時(shí)的柏林，是東德的首都，柏林墻還屹立在那里，所以東德的外交官首先告訴彼得，不要寫猛烈抨擊柏林墻的話，不要罵蘇聯(lián)。但是彼得在東德逗留的短短時(shí)間內(nèi)，從身邊的人口中只體會(huì)到了一種最為強(qiáng)烈的情緒，那就是要求拆掉柏林墻。

于是，彼得開始動(dòng)筆："戈?duì)柊蛦谭蛳壬鸬暨@堵墻吧。"因?yàn)槭菍?duì)東德人演說，所以他故意用了德語(yǔ)的"先生"一詞，思來想去，他又把"拆掉"改成了"推倒"。結(jié)果，這篇演說稿在白宮的新聞主管那里被撕成了碎片，他對(duì)彼得咆哮道："一無(wú)是處!"

彼得只好又悶頭修改，"推倒"又被改成了"拆掉"。最后，這篇演說稿得到了里根總統(tǒng)的首肯，他很喜歡。彼得聽了總統(tǒng)的贊許，心情自然很好，可是厄運(yùn)接踵而至，美國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)院和國(guó)家安全委員會(huì)看過演說稿之后，簡(jiǎn)直是暴跳如雷，他們認(rèn)為那句"拆掉這堵墻吧"簡(jiǎn)直就是一句天真的玩笑，是明擺著和蘇聯(lián)搞對(duì)抗，這種想法出現(xiàn)在總統(tǒng)演說中實(shí)在是過于幼稚了。連當(dāng)時(shí)的美國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)卿舒爾茨都覺得，這樣的話出現(xiàn)在里根總統(tǒng)的演說中，簡(jiǎn)直就是對(duì)蘇聯(lián)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人戈?duì)柊蛦谭虻拿胺负蜔o(wú)禮。

結(jié)果，那堵墻沒拆，那句話就首先被刪掉了，填上了不溫不火的一句期待：總有一天，這堵丑陋的墻是會(huì)消失的。彼得盯著這句話有點(diǎn)窩火，總有一天會(huì)實(shí)現(xiàn)，這不是蘇聯(lián)人最愛說的話么?

等里根飛到意大利的時(shí)候，這篇演說稿再一次被拿出來討論，白宮新聞主管把各方的意見都說了一遍，里根自己讀了一遍，尤其是"拆掉這堵墻吧"那一段，他笑著說："留下吧。"等他的飛機(jī)抵達(dá)柏林時(shí)，那些反對(duì)派還是不死心，大清早就拿著演說稿再次找到里根，想刪除那句話。在前往勃蘭登堡門的汽車上，里根對(duì)新聞主管說，他必須要講出那句話，還開玩笑說："國(guó)務(wù)院那些家伙肯定會(huì)殺了我。"

結(jié)果，演說的效果異常地好，曾經(jīng)堅(jiān)持要?jiǎng)h掉那句話的美國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)卿舒爾茨甚至找到寫稿人彼得說："你是對(duì)的!"2年之后，柏林墻被拆除。

"調(diào)教總統(tǒng)"的演說訓(xùn)練師

像很多技能一樣，演講的技巧是可以訓(xùn)練的，別以為總統(tǒng)都是天生的演說家。很多美國(guó)總統(tǒng)的華麗演講其實(shí)都出自一個(gè)訓(xùn)練師之手，他可以讓你成為總統(tǒng)，也可以讓你成為白癡，他叫邁克爾·錫恩。

與"學(xué)生"奧巴馬的慷慨陳詞不同的是，他輕聲細(xì)語(yǔ)，為人低調(diào)，總是喜歡躲在幕后"調(diào)教總統(tǒng)"，他對(duì)每一個(gè)前來求教的人物也都了如指掌："克林頓的演說為什么如此精彩?因?yàn)樗芟硎苣莻€(gè)過程，只要有聽眾，他就能侃侃而談。"

原來，克林頓是個(gè)"話嘮"。對(duì)比鮮明的是，克林頓的妻子希拉里就不是特別喜歡滔滔不絕地演說，這也許就是為什么他們可以做夫妻：一個(gè)愿意說，一個(gè)愿意聽。希拉里還在回憶錄中提到過錫恩教她如何使用提詞器的事情，這就是現(xiàn)在的總統(tǒng)的好處，林肯時(shí)代肯定沒有那玩意，詞兒都記不住，就別當(dāng)總統(tǒng)了。

奧巴馬也不是天生就會(huì)使用提詞器，20__年他在民主黨全國(guó)大會(huì)"一講成名"之前，他就是個(gè)"演講菜鳥"，因?yàn)樗麖膩頉]遇到過全國(guó)大會(huì)那么大的陣勢(shì)，他攥著自己那2300個(gè)單詞的演講稿排練了3遍，還是不得要領(lǐng)。錫恩教奧巴馬說，不要被觀眾席上的噪聲所干擾，要學(xué)會(huì)駕馭鼓掌聲，準(zhǔn)確地找到停頓和繼續(xù)的時(shí)間點(diǎn)。

現(xiàn)年60歲的錫恩，對(duì)每一任總統(tǒng)都很熟悉。錫恩還清晰地記得肯尼迪第一次演講時(shí)的尷尬："他看起來很害怕，根本不想演講，那時(shí)他才17歲，但是他答應(yīng)了叔叔要演講，我對(duì)他說‘抬起頭，讓觀眾看到你，不要擔(dān)心!’"

錫恩為何會(huì)如此熱衷于研究演講的技巧，因?yàn)榫拖耠娪啊秶?guó)王的演講》中的國(guó)王一樣，錫恩也曾是一名口吃患者，經(jīng)常在排長(zhǎng)隊(duì)買東西的時(shí)候說不出來要買什么，被后面的人狂罵。后來他發(fā)現(xiàn)，其實(shí)只要稍微改變一下說話的腔調(diào)，就可以改正口吃的毛病。后來，他有了自己的媒體顧問公司，從歷屆美國(guó)總統(tǒng)到華爾街金融業(yè)巨子，都是他的客戶。

現(xiàn)任美國(guó)財(cái)政部長(zhǎng)蓋特納，曾經(jīng)是一個(gè)沉默寡言的木訥之人，最終也在錫恩的調(diào)教下變成了一個(gè)能說會(huì)道的財(cái)長(zhǎng)。不知道美國(guó)前任財(cái)長(zhǎng)保爾森是否接受過錫恩的培訓(xùn)?他也有些口吃，而且語(yǔ)速很慢，如果他足夠能說會(huì)道的話，就不需要在請(qǐng)求國(guó)會(huì)通過經(jīng)濟(jì)救援計(jì)劃時(shí)，向當(dāng)時(shí)的眾議院議長(zhǎng)佩洛西單腿下跪了。

大蕭條時(shí)期的美國(guó)總統(tǒng)胡佛，很看不起另一位總統(tǒng)羅斯福，因?yàn)榭谝艉苤氐暮鹂偸怯X得羅斯福太會(huì)演說，或者叫"太會(huì)表演了"，這是不是口音不正的胡佛對(duì)能說會(huì)道者的一種嫉妒呢?

總統(tǒng)演講稿 模板6

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如果還有人對(duì)美國(guó)是否凡事都有可能存疑，還有人懷疑美國(guó)奠基者的夢(mèng)想在我們所處的時(shí)代是否依然鮮活，還有人質(zhì)疑我們的美國(guó)民主制度的力量，那么今晚，這些全部問題都有了答案。

這是設(shè)在學(xué)校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未見的長(zhǎng)隊(duì)給出的答案；是等了三四個(gè)小時(shí)的選民所給出的答案，其中許多人都是有生以來第一次投票，因?yàn)樗麄冋J(rèn)定這一次肯定會(huì)不一樣，認(rèn)為自己的聲音會(huì)是這次大選有別于以往之所在。

這是所有美國(guó)人民共同給出的答案－－無(wú)論老少貧富，無(wú)論是民主黨還是共和黨，無(wú)論是黑人、白人、拉美裔、亞裔、原住民，是同性戀者還是異性戀者、殘疾人還是健全人－－我們從來不是"紅州"和"藍(lán)州"的對(duì)立陣營(yíng)，我們是美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)這個(gè)整體，永遠(yuǎn)都是。

長(zhǎng)久以來，很多人一再受到告誡，要對(duì)我們所能取得的成績(jī)極盡諷刺、擔(dān)憂和懷疑之能事，但這個(gè)答案讓這些人伸出手來把握歷史，再次讓它朝向美好明天的希望延伸。

已經(jīng)過去了這么長(zhǎng)時(shí)間，但今晚，由于我們?cè)诮裉臁⒃谶@場(chǎng)大選中、在這個(gè)具有決定性的時(shí)刻所做的，美國(guó)已經(jīng)迎來了變革。

我剛剛接到了麥凱恩參議員極具風(fēng)度的致電。他在這場(chǎng)大選中經(jīng)過了長(zhǎng)時(shí)間的努力奮斗，而他為自己所深愛的這個(gè)國(guó)家奮斗的時(shí)間更長(zhǎng)、過程更艱辛。他為美國(guó)做出了我們大多數(shù)人難以想像的犧牲，我們的生活也因這位勇敢無(wú)私的領(lǐng)袖所做出的貢獻(xiàn)而變得更美好。我向他和佩林州長(zhǎng)所取得的成績(jī)表示祝賀，我也期待著與他們一起在未來的歲月中為復(fù)興這個(gè)國(guó)家的希望而共同努力。

我要感謝我在這次旅程中的伙伴－－已當(dāng)選美國(guó)副總統(tǒng)的拜登。他全心參與競(jìng)選活動(dòng)，為普通民眾代言，他們是他在斯克蘭頓從小到大的伙伴，也是在他回特拉華的火車上遇到的男男女女。

如果沒有一個(gè)人的堅(jiān)決支持，我今晚就不會(huì)站在這里，她是我過去16年來最好的朋友、是我們一家人的中堅(jiān)和我一生的摯愛，更是我們國(guó)家的下一位第一夫人：米歇爾?奧巴馬(michelle obama)。薩莎(sasha)和瑪麗亞(malia)，我太愛你們兩個(gè)了，你們已經(jīng)得到了一條新的小狗，它將與我們一起入駐白宮。雖然我的外祖母已經(jīng)不在了，但我知道她與我的親人肯定都在看著我，因?yàn)樗麄儯也拍軗碛薪裉斓某删?。今晚，我想念他們，我知道自己欠他們的無(wú)可計(jì)量。

我的競(jìng)選經(jīng)理大衛(wèi)?普勞夫(david plouffe)、首席策略師大衛(wèi)?艾克斯羅德(david a_elrod)以及政治史上最好的競(jìng)選團(tuán)隊(duì)－－是你們成就了今天，我永遠(yuǎn)感激你們?yōu)閷?shí)現(xiàn)今天的成就所做出的犧牲。

但最重要的是，我永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)忘記這場(chǎng)勝利真正的歸屬－－它屬于你們。

我從來不是最有希望的候選人。一開始，我們沒有太多資金，也沒有得到太多人的支持。我們的競(jìng)選活動(dòng)并非誕生于華盛頓的高門華第之內(nèi)，而是始于得梅因、康科德、查爾斯頓這些地方的普通民眾家中。

我們的競(jìng)選活動(dòng)能有今天的規(guī)模，是因?yàn)樾燎诠ぷ鞯娜藗儚淖约旱奈⒈》e蓄中拿出錢來，捐出一筆又一筆5美元、10美元、20美元。而競(jìng)選活動(dòng)的聲勢(shì)越來越大則是源自那些年輕人，他們拒絕接受認(rèn)為他們這代人冷漠的荒誕說法；他們離開家、離開親人，從事報(bào)酬微薄、極其辛苦的工作；同時(shí)也源自那些已經(jīng)不算年輕的人們，他們冒著嚴(yán)寒酷暑，敲開陌生人的家門進(jìn)行競(jìng)選宣傳；更源自數(shù)百萬(wàn)的美國(guó)民眾，他們自動(dòng)自發(fā)地組織起來，證明了在兩百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政

府并未從地球上消失。這是你們的勝利。

我知道你們的所做所為并不只是為了贏得大選，我也知道你們做這一切并不是為了我。你們這樣做是因?yàn)槟銈兠靼讛[在面前的任務(wù)有多艱巨。因?yàn)榧幢阄覀兘裢須g呼慶祝，我們也知道明天將面臨我們一生之中最為艱巨的挑戰(zhàn)－－兩場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、一個(gè)面臨危險(xiǎn)的星球，還有百年來最嚴(yán)重的金融危機(jī)。今晚站在此地，我們知道伊拉克的沙漠里和阿富汗的群山中還有勇敢的美國(guó)士兵醒來，甘冒生命危險(xiǎn)保護(hù)著我們。會(huì)有在孩子熟睡后仍難以入眠的父母，擔(dān)心如何償還按揭月供、付醫(yī)藥費(fèi)或是存夠錢送孩子上大學(xué)。我們亟待開發(fā)新能源、創(chuàng)造新的工作機(jī)會(huì)；我們需要修建新學(xué)校，還要應(yīng)對(duì)眾多威脅、修復(fù)與許多國(guó)家的關(guān)系。

前方的道路會(huì)十分漫長(zhǎng)艱辛。我們可能無(wú)法在一年甚至一屆任期之內(nèi)實(shí)現(xiàn)上述目標(biāo)，但我從未像今晚這樣滿懷希望，相信我們會(huì)實(shí)現(xiàn)。我向你們承諾－－我們作為一個(gè)整體將會(huì)達(dá)成目標(biāo)。

我們會(huì)遭遇挫折和不成功的開端。對(duì)于我作為總統(tǒng)所做的每項(xiàng)決定和政策，會(huì)有許多人持有異議，我們也知道政府并不能解決所有問題。但我會(huì)向你們坦陳我們所面臨的挑戰(zhàn)。我會(huì)聆聽你們的意見，尤其是在我們意見相左之時(shí)。最重要的是，我會(huì)請(qǐng)求你們參與重建這個(gè)國(guó)家，以美國(guó)221年來從未改變的唯一方式－－一磚一瓦、胼手胝足。

21個(gè)月前那個(gè)寒冬所開始的一切不應(yīng)該在今天這個(gè)秋夜結(jié)束。今天的選舉勝利并不是我們所尋求的改變－－這只是我們進(jìn)行改變的機(jī)會(huì)。而且如果我們?nèi)匀话凑张f有方式行事，我們所尋求的改變不可能出現(xiàn)。沒有你們，也不可能有這種改變

。

因此，讓我們發(fā)揚(yáng)新的愛國(guó)精神，樹立新的服務(wù)意識(shí)和責(zé)任感，讓我們每個(gè)人下定決心全情投入、更加努力地工作，并彼此關(guān)愛。讓我們銘記這場(chǎng)金融危機(jī)帶來的教訓(xùn)：我們不可能在金融以外的領(lǐng)域備受煎熬的同時(shí)擁有繁榮興旺的華爾街－－在這個(gè)國(guó)家，我們患難與共。

讓我們抵制重走老路的誘惑，避免重新回到令美國(guó)政治長(zhǎng)期深受毒害的黨派紛爭(zhēng)和由此引發(fā)的遺憾和不成熟表現(xiàn)。讓我們牢記，正是伊利諾伊州的一名男子首次將共和黨的大旗扛到了白宮。共和黨是建立在自強(qiáng)自立、個(gè)人自由以及全民團(tuán)結(jié)的價(jià)值觀上，這也是我們所有人都珍視的價(jià)值。雖然民主黨今天晚上贏得了巨大的勝利，但我們是以謙卑的態(tài)度和彌合阻礙我們進(jìn)步的分歧的決心贏得這場(chǎng)勝利的。林肯在向遠(yuǎn)比我們眼下分歧更大的國(guó)家發(fā)表講話時(shí)說，我們不是敵人，而是朋友……雖然激情可能褪去，但是這不會(huì)割斷我們感情上的聯(lián)系。對(duì)于那些現(xiàn)在并不支持我的美國(guó)人，我想說，或許我沒有贏得你們的選票，但是我聽到了你們的聲音，我需要你們的幫助，而且我也將是你們的總統(tǒng)。

那些徹夜關(guān)注美國(guó)大選的海外人士，從國(guó)會(huì)到皇宮，以及在這個(gè)世界被遺忘的角落里擠在收音機(jī)旁的人們，我們的經(jīng)歷雖然各有不同，但是我們的命運(yùn)是相通的，新的美國(guó)領(lǐng)袖誕生了。那些想要顛覆這個(gè)世界的人們，我們必將擊敗你們。那些追求和平和安全的人們，我們支持你們。那些所有懷疑美國(guó)能否繼續(xù)照亮世界發(fā)展前景的人們，今天晚上我們?cè)俅巫C明，我們國(guó)家真正的力量并非來自我們武器的威力或財(cái)富的規(guī)模，而是來自我們理想的持久力量：民主、自由、機(jī)會(huì)和不屈的希望。

這才是美國(guó)真正的精華－－美國(guó)能夠改變。我們的聯(lián)邦會(huì)日臻完善。我們?nèi)〉玫某删蜑槲覀儗砟軌蛉〉玫囊约氨仨毴〉玫某删驮鎏砹讼Ｍ?/p>

這次大選創(chuàng)造了多項(xiàng)"第一"，也誕生了很多將世代流傳的故事。但是今天晚上令我難忘的卻是在亞特蘭大投票的一名婦女

：安?尼克松?庫(kù)波爾(ann ni_on cooper)。她和其他數(shù)百萬(wàn)排隊(duì)等待投票的選民沒有什么差別，除了一點(diǎn)：她已是106歲的高齡。

她出生的那個(gè)時(shí)代奴隸制度剛剛結(jié)束；那時(shí)路上沒有汽車，天上也沒有飛機(jī)；當(dāng)時(shí)像她這樣的人由于兩個(gè)原因不能投票－－一是她是女性，另一個(gè)原因是她的膚色。

今天晚上，我想到了她在美國(guó)過去一百年間所經(jīng)歷的種種：心痛和希望；掙扎和進(jìn)步；那些我們被告知我們辦不到的世代，以及那些堅(jiān)信美國(guó)信條──是的，我們能做到──的人們。

曾幾何時(shí)，婦女沒有發(fā)言權(quán)，她們的希望化作泡影，但是安?尼克松?庫(kù)波爾活了下來，看到婦女們站了起來，看到她們大聲發(fā)表自己的見解，看到她們?nèi)⒓哟筮x投票。是的，我們能做到。

當(dāng)30年代的沙塵暴和大蕭條引發(fā)人們的絕望之情時(shí)，她看到一個(gè)國(guó)家用羅斯福新政、新就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)以及對(duì)新目標(biāo)的共同追求戰(zhàn)勝恐慌。是的，我們能做到。

當(dāng)炸彈襲擊了我們的海港、獨(dú)裁專制威脅到全世界，她見證了美國(guó)一代人的偉大崛起，見證了一個(gè)民主國(guó)家被拯救。是的，我們能做到。

她看到蒙哥馬利通了公共汽車、伯明翰接上了水管、塞爾馬建了橋，一位來自亞特蘭大的傳教士告訴人們：我們能成功。是的，我們能做到。

人類登上月球、柏林墻倒下，世界因我們的科學(xué)和想像被連接在一起。今年，就在這次選舉中，她用手指觸碰屏幕投下自己的選票，因?yàn)樵诿绹?guó)生活了1__年之后，經(jīng)歷了最好的時(shí)光和最黑暗的時(shí)刻之后，她知道美國(guó)如何能夠發(fā)生變革。是的，我們能做到。

美國(guó)，我們已經(jīng)走過漫漫長(zhǎng)路。我們已經(jīng)歷了很多。但是我們?nèi)杂泻芏嗍虑橐?。因此今夜，讓我們自問－－如果我們的孩子能夠活到下個(gè)世紀(jì)；如果我們的女兒有幸活得和安一樣長(zhǎng)，他們將會(huì)看到怎樣的改變？我們將會(huì)取得怎樣的進(jìn)步？

現(xiàn)在是我們回答這個(gè)問題的機(jī)會(huì)。這是我們的時(shí)刻。這是我們的時(shí)代－－讓我們的人民重新就業(yè)，為我們的后代敞開機(jī)會(huì)的大門；恢復(fù)繁榮發(fā)展，推進(jìn)和平事業(yè)；讓"美國(guó)夢(mèng)"重新煥發(fā)光芒，再次證明這樣一個(gè)基本的真理：我們是一家人；一息尚存，我們就有希望；當(dāng)我們遇到嘲諷和懷疑，當(dāng)有人說我們辦不到的時(shí)候，我們要以這個(gè)永恒的信條來回應(yīng)他們：

是的，我們能做到。感謝你們。上帝保佑你們。愿上帝保佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。

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總統(tǒng)演講稿 模板7

閱讀小貼士：模板7共計(jì)1737個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)5分鐘。朗讀需要9分鐘，中速朗讀12分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要16分鐘，有119位用戶喜歡。

南非國(guó)父、前總統(tǒng)、反種族隔離斗士納爾遜·曼德拉因病逝世，享年95歲。這是他1994年就職南非總統(tǒng)發(fā)表演說的演說詞。

演說詞：

your majesties, your highnesses, distinguished guests, comrades and friends:

today, all of us do, by our presence here, and by our celebrations in other parts of our country and the world,confer glory and hope to newborn liberty.

out of the e_perience of an e_traordinary human disaster that lasted too long, must be born a society of which all humanity will be proud.

our daily deeds as ordinary south africans must produce an actual south african reality that will reinforce humanity"s belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul and sustain all our hopes for a glorious life for all.

all this we owe both to ourselves and to the peoples of the world who are so well represented here today.

to my compatriots, i have no hesitation in saying that each one of us is as intimately attached to the soil of this beautiful country as are the famous jacaranda trees of pretoria and the mimosa trees of the bushveld.

each time one of us touches the soil of this land, we feel a sense of personal renewal. the national mood changes as the seasons change.

we are moved by a sense of joy and e_hilaration when the grass turns green and the flowers bloom.

that spiritual and physical oneness we all share with this common homeland e_plains the depth of the pain we all carried in our hearts as we saw our country tear itself apart in a terrible conflict, and as we saw it spurned, outlawed and isolated by the peoples of the world, precisely because it has become the universal base of the pernicious ideology and practice of racism and racial oppression.

we, the people of south africa, feel fulfilled that humanity has taken us back into its bosom, that we, who were outlaws not so long ago, have today been given the rare privilege to be host to the nations of the world on our own soil.

we thank all our distinguished international guests for having come to take possession with the people of our country of what is, after all, a common victory for justice, for peace, for human dignity.

we trust that you will continue to stand by us as we tackle the challenges of building peace, prosperity, non-se_ism,non-racialism and democracy.

we deeply appreciate the role that the masses of our people and their political mass democratic, religious, women, youth,business, traditional and other leaders have played to bring about this conclusion. not least among them is my second deputy president, the honourable f.w. de klerk.

we would also like to pay tribute to our security forces, in all their ranks, for the distinguished role they have played in securing our first democratic elections and the transition to democracy, from blood-thirsty forces which still refuse to see the light.

the time for the healing of the wounds has come.

the moment to bridge the chasms that divide us has come.

the time to build is upon us.

we have, at last, achieved our political emancipation. we pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender and other discrimination.

we succeeded to take our last steps to freedom in conditions of relative peace. we commit ourselves to the construction of a complete, just and lasting peace.

we have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the millions of our people. we enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all south africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity - a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.

as a token of its commitment to the renewal of our country,the new interim government of national unity will, as a matter of urgency, address the issue of amnesty for various categories of our people who are currently serving terms of imprisonment.

we dedicate this day to all the heroes and heroines in this country and the rest of the world who sacrificed in many ways and surrendered their lives so that we could be free.

their dreams have become reality. freedom is their reward.

we are both humbled and elevated by the honour and privilege that you, the people of south africa, have bestowed on us, as the first president of a united, democratic, non-racial and non-se_ist south africa, to lead our country out of the valley of darkness.

we understand it still that there is no easy road to freedom.

we know it well that none of us acting alone can achieve success.

we must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new world.

let there be justice for all.

let there be peace for all.

let there be work, bread, water and salt for all.

let each know that for each the body, the mind and the soul have been freed to fulfill themselves.

never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again e_perience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.

let freedom reign.

the sun shall never set on so glorious a human achievement!

god bless africa!

thank you.

總統(tǒng)演講稿 模板8

閱讀小貼士：模板8共計(jì)3678個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)10分鐘。朗讀需要19分鐘，中速朗讀25分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要34分鐘，有257位用戶喜歡。

mr. speaker, lord speaker,prime minister, deputy prime minister,leader of the opposition and distinguished guests:

i am delighted to be with you today.

a chairde:

tá fíor-chaoin áthas orm bheith anseo libh ar ócáid an chéad cuairt stáit seo.

on the first day of this state visit, i have been graciously and warmly welcomed by her majestyqueen elizabeth at windsor castle, and i have come to this place from a poignant anduplifting visit to westminster abbey. i am greatly honoured to be the first president of irelandto address you in this distinguished palace of westminster.

as a former parliamentarian, honoured to have spent twenty-five years as a member of dáiléireann, and a further decade serving in our upper house, seanad éireann, it constitutes avery special privilege to be speaking today in a place that history has made synonymous withthe principle of democratic governance and with respect for a political discourse that is bothinclusive and pluralist.

at the very foundation of british democracy is, of course, the magna carta which includes thepowerful statement:

“to no one will we sell, to no one will we deny or delay, right or justice.”

those beautiful and striking words have echoed down the centuries and remain the beatingheart of the democratic tradition. their resonance was felt almost immediately in irelandthrough the magna carta hiberniae – a version of the original charter reissued by theguardians of the young henry iii in november 1216.

they are also words which echo with a particular significance when we have indeed so recentlyseen the adverse consequences of a discourse that regards politics, society and the economyas somehow separate, each from the other; this is a divisive perspective which underminesthe essential relationship between the citizen and the state. today, as both our countries workto build sustainable economies and humane and flourishing societies, we would do well to recallthe words of the magna carta and its challenge to embrace a concept of citizenship rooted inthe principles of active participation, justice and freedom.

such a vision of citizenship is shared by our two peoples. it is here, in this historic building that,over the centuries, the will of the british people gradually found its full democratic voice. it isinspiring to stand in a place where, for more than a century, many hundreds of dedicatedparliamentarians, in their different ways, represented the interests and aspirations of the irishpeople.

ne_t month marks the centenary of the passing of the home rule act by the house ofcommons – a landmark in our shared history. it was also here that the votes of irishnationalist members of parliament in 1911 were instrumental in the passage of the parliamentact, a critical step in the development of your parliamentary system.

history was also made here in 1918 when the irish electorate chose the first woman to beelected to this parliament – constance markiewicz – who, of course, chose not to take herwestminster seat but, rather, to represent her constituents in our independent parliament,the first dáil éireann. constance’s sister, eva gore-booth, who is buried in hampstead, hadbeen making, and would continue to make, her own distinctive contribution to history – notonly in the irish nationalist struggle, but as part of the suffragette and labour movements inbritain.

nearly 90 years earlier, the passage of the catholic emancipation act of 1829 was secured bythe leadership of our great irish parliamentarian, daniel o’connell. o’connell’s nationalism setno border to his concern for human rights; his advocacy e_tended to causes and movementsfor justice around the world, including the struggle to end slavery. he was totally dedicated toseeking freedom, as he put it:

“attained not by the effusion of human blood but by the constitutional combination of goodand wise men.”

while o’connell may not have achieved that ambition during his own lifetime, it was such anidealism that served to guide and influence, so many years later, the achievement of themomentous good friday agreement of 1998. that achievement was founded on thecornerstones of equality, justice and democratic partnership, and was a key milestone on theroad to today’s warm, deep and enduring irish-british friendship.

our two countries can take immense pride in the progress of the cause of peace in northernireland. but of course there is still a road to be travelled – the road of a lasting and creativereconciliation – and our two governments have a shared responsibility to encourage andsupport those who need to complete the journey of making peace permanent andconstructive, enduring.

mr speaker, lord speaker:

i stand here at a time when the relationship between our two islands has, as i have said,achieved a closeness and warmth that once seemed unachievable. the people of ireland greatlycherish the political independence that was secured in 1922 – an independence which wasfought for by my father and many of his generation. the pain and sacrifice associated with theadvent of irish independence inevitably cast its long shadow across our relations, causingus, in the words of the irish mp stephen gwynn, to:

“look at each other with doubtful eyes.”

we acknowledge that past but, as you have said, even more, we wholeheartedly welcome theconsiderable achievement of today’s reality – the mutual respect, friendship andcooperation which e_ists between our two countries, our two peoples. that benign reality wasbrought into sharp relief by the historic visit of queen elizabeth to ireland three years ago. hermajesty’s visit eloquently e_pressed how far we have come in understanding and respectingour differences, and it demonstrated that we could now look at each other through trustingeyes of mutual respect and shared commitments.

the ties between us are now strong and resolute. formidable flows of trade and investmentacross the irish sea confer mutual benefit on our two countries. be it in tourism, sport orculture, our people to people connections have never been as close or abundant.

generations of irish emigrants have made their mark on the development of this country. assomeone whose own siblings made their home here at the end of the 1950s, i am very proud ofthe large irish community that is represented in every walk of life in the united kingdom. thatcommunity is the living heart in the evolving british-irish relationship. i greatly cherish howthe irish in britain have preserved and nurtured their culture and heritage while, at the sametime, making a distinctive and valued contribution to the development of modern britain.

mr speaker, lord speaker:

as both our islands enter periods of important centenaries we can and must, reflect on theethical importance of respecting different, but deeply interwoven, narratives. such reflectionwill offer us an opportunity to craft a bright future on the e_tensive common ground weshare and, where we differ in matters of interpretation, to have respectful empathy for eachother’s perspectives.

this year the united kingdom commemorates the first world war. in ireland too, we rememberthe large number of our countrymen who entered the battlefields of europe, never to returnhome. amongst those was the irish nationalist mp tom kettle who wrote that:

“this tragedy of europe may be and must be the prologue to the two reconciliations of whichall statesmen have dreamed, the reconciliation of protestant ulster with ireland, and thereconciliation of ireland with great britain.”

it is, i think, significant that kettle refers to “this tragedy of europe.” we must alwaysremember that this brutal and tragic war laid the hand of death on every country in europe.

kettle died as an irish patriot, a british soldier and a true european. he understood that to beauthentically irish we must also embrace our european identity. it is an identification weproudly claim today, an identification we share with the united kingdom, with whom we havesat around the negotiating table in europe for over 40 years. we recognise that it has been inthat european conte_t of mutuality and interdependence that we took the most significantsteps towards each other.

mr speaker, lord speaker:

i have been struck by the imposing canvases in this room, these depictions of the battles oftrafalgar and waterloo, painted by the irishman daniel maclis. they call to mind anotherfamous painting by this great artist that hangs in the national gallery in dublin. it depicts the12th century marriage of aoife, daughter of the king of leinster, to strongbow, the leader ofthe first anglo-norman force to arrive in ireland. those nuptials took place in the conte_t ofconflict and did not necessarily become a harbinger of harmony. neither was there to be amarriage of hearts and minds between our two islands in the following centuries.

today, however, we have a fresh canvas on which to sketch our shared hopes and to advanceour overlapping ambitions. what we now enjoy between ireland and britain is a friendly, co-operative partnership based on mutual respect, reciprocal benefit, and deep and indeliblepersonal links that bind us together in cultural and social terms.

in the final days of his life, the soldier and parliamentarian, to whom i have referred, tomkettle dreamed of a new era of friendship between our two peoples – “free, we are free to beyour friend” – was how he put it in one of his poems.

the journey then of our shared british-irish relationship towards that freedom has progressedfrom the doubting eyes of estrangement to the trusting eyes of partnership and, in recentyears, to the welcoming eyes of friendship.

i am conscious that i am in the company here of so many distinguished parliamentarianswho have made their own individual contributions to the journey we have travelled together. iacknowledge them and i salute them, as i acknowledge and salute all those who haveselflessly worked to build concord between our peoples. i celebrate our warm friendship and ilook forward with confidence to a future in which that friendship can grow even more resoluteand more productive.

gur fada a ghabhfaidh pobail agus parlaimintí an dá oileán seo le chéile go síochánta, goséanmhar agus sa chairdeas buandlúite idir éire agus an bhreatain.

long may our two peoples and their parliaments walk together in peace, prosperity and evercloser friendship between ireland and britain.

mr speaker, members, thank you again for your kind welcome.

go raibh míle maith agaibh go léir.