國(guó)會(huì)演講稿 模板1
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尊敬的金元基議長(zhǎng)，
各位議員朋友，
女士們，先生們，朋友們：
今天，有機(jī)會(huì)來(lái)到大韓民國(guó)國(guó)會(huì)，并同各位議員見面，我感到十分高興。首先，我要感謝金元基議長(zhǎng)的盛情邀請(qǐng)。借此機(jī)會(huì)，我愿向在座的各位議員，并通過你們向韓國(guó)人民，轉(zhuǎn)達(dá)中國(guó)人民的真誠(chéng)祝福。
我曾于1998年訪問過貴國(guó)，當(dāng)時(shí)正是亞洲金融危機(jī)肆虐之際。韓國(guó)人民在困難面前團(tuán)結(jié)自強(qiáng)、共渡時(shí)艱、奮發(fā)進(jìn)取的精神面貌給我留下了深刻印象，韓國(guó)人民對(duì)中國(guó)人民的深情厚誼也讓我難以忘懷。時(shí)隔7年再次踏上貴國(guó)美麗富饒的國(guó)土，看到貴國(guó)這些年來(lái)經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展又取得了許多新的成就，我感到由衷的高興。
中韓兩國(guó)是隔海相望的近鄰，也是關(guān)系密切的友睢ｔ謚瀉押玫某て誒分?，两国人民寿Z障嗷パ?、相互借鉴，共同磪矡退灿烂诞€轎拿鰲＝岳?，两国人民又哉N夠魍飫辭致浴⒄∶褡宥懶⒌奈按蠖氛邢嗷ブс幀⑾嗷グ鎦?，共同谱写两z篩榪善撓巖昶隆ｋ姓廡?，广^閃私裉熘瀉叵搗⒄溝募崾禱。檔夢(mèng)頤撬獎(jiǎng)都誘涫印?/p>;
1992年中韓建交，揭開了兩國(guó)關(guān)系發(fā)展新的一頁(yè)，兩國(guó)人民心中長(zhǎng)久積蘊(yùn)的友好愿望化作了推動(dòng)兩國(guó)關(guān)系發(fā)展的強(qiáng)大動(dòng)力。__年來(lái)，兩國(guó)關(guān)系的發(fā)展，如同奔流不息的長(zhǎng)河，充滿著旺盛的生機(jī)和蓬勃的活力。如今，中韓關(guān)系已步入歷史上的最好時(shí)期。今年兩國(guó)年貿(mào)易額將超過1000億美元，中國(guó)已成為韓國(guó)的最大貿(mào)易伙伴和投資對(duì)象國(guó)，韓國(guó)也已成為中國(guó)的第三大貿(mào)易伙伴國(guó)和第二大外資來(lái)源國(guó)?，F(xiàn)在，雙方日均人員往來(lái)達(dá)到10000人次，幾十萬(wàn)人在對(duì)方國(guó)家學(xué)習(xí)、工作、生活，每周近400對(duì)航班穿梭于兩國(guó)之間。雙方在文化、教育、科學(xué)等領(lǐng)域的交流日益緊密，在兩國(guó)人民之間架起了理解和友誼的橋梁。雙方在國(guó)際和地區(qū)事務(wù)中的協(xié)調(diào)和合作日益密切。可以說(shuō)，中韓友好深入人心，發(fā)展前景十分美好。
中韓關(guān)系能夠迎來(lái)今天這樣的大好局面，是兩國(guó)政府和人民共同努力的結(jié)果。在這里，我要向長(zhǎng)期致力于中韓友好合作的兩國(guó)各界人士表示崇高的敬意和衷心的感謝！
我要特別感謝韓國(guó)國(guó)會(huì)為發(fā)展兩國(guó)友好合作作出的重要貢獻(xiàn)。我高興地看到，中國(guó)全國(guó)人大和韓國(guó)國(guó)會(huì)保持著密切交往，雙方開展了良好合作，豐富了兩國(guó)全面合作伙伴關(guān)系的內(nèi)涵。兩國(guó)立法機(jī)關(guān)還將建立定期交流機(jī)制。希望兩國(guó)立法機(jī)構(gòu)加強(qiáng)交流合作，為兩國(guó)關(guān)系發(fā)展作出更大貢獻(xiàn)。
中韓關(guān)系全面發(fā)展給我們留下了許多寶貴經(jīng)驗(yàn)，值得認(rèn)真總結(jié)并發(fā)揚(yáng)光大。我認(rèn)為，最主要的經(jīng)驗(yàn)有以下三個(gè)方面。
——堅(jiān)定不移地奉行睦鄰友好政策，致力于維護(hù)和平穩(wěn)定的周邊環(huán)境。雙方都懷有維護(hù)和平、實(shí)現(xiàn)發(fā)展的真誠(chéng)意愿，都把對(duì)方視為合作伙伴，都認(rèn)為對(duì)方的發(fā)展對(duì)自己是機(jī)遇而不是威脅。這為兩國(guó)關(guān)系發(fā)展奠定了重要基礎(chǔ)。
——注重通過務(wù)實(shí)合作推進(jìn)共同發(fā)展，致力于和平發(fā)展和互利共贏。雙方都充分利用兩國(guó)地理相鄰、文化相近、經(jīng)濟(jì)互補(bǔ)的優(yōu)勢(shì)，不斷挖掘潛力，拓展交流合作，給兩國(guó)人民帶來(lái)實(shí)實(shí)在在的利益。這為兩國(guó)關(guān)系發(fā)展注入了強(qiáng)大動(dòng)力。
——堅(jiān)持相互尊重、相互信任、平等相待的精神，致力于兩國(guó)關(guān)系的長(zhǎng)期、穩(wěn)定、健康發(fā)展。雙方都從大局和長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)戰(zhàn)略的高度出發(fā)，尊重和照顧對(duì)方的關(guān)切，及時(shí)妥善解決兩國(guó)關(guān)系中出現(xiàn)的問題，使中韓關(guān)系不斷走向成熟。這為兩國(guó)關(guān)系發(fā)展提供了有力保障。
女士們、先生們、朋友們！
當(dāng)前，中國(guó)人民正在為實(shí)現(xiàn)全面建設(shè)小康社會(huì)的目標(biāo)而奮斗。推動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展、不斷改善人民生活始終是中國(guó)的中心任務(wù)。我們已對(duì)中國(guó)今后5年的經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展作出了戰(zhàn)略部署，其中經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展方面的主要目標(biāo)是：在優(yōu)化結(jié)構(gòu)、提高效益和降低消耗的基礎(chǔ)上，實(shí)現(xiàn)__年人均國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值比__年翻一番；資源利用效率顯著提高，__年單位國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值能源消耗比__年降低20%左右；社會(huì)主義市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)體制比較完善，開放型經(jīng)濟(jì)達(dá)到新水平。為了實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)目標(biāo)，我們將堅(jiān)持以以人為本、全面協(xié)調(diào)可持續(xù)的科學(xué)發(fā)展觀統(tǒng)領(lǐng)經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展全局，堅(jiān)持統(tǒng)籌城鄉(xiāng)發(fā)展、統(tǒng)籌區(qū)域發(fā)展、統(tǒng)籌經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展、統(tǒng)籌人與自然和諧發(fā)展、統(tǒng)籌國(guó)內(nèi)發(fā)展和對(duì)外開放，繼續(xù)深化改革開放，加快調(diào)整經(jīng)濟(jì)結(jié)構(gòu)、轉(zhuǎn)變經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)方式，提高自主創(chuàng)新能力，發(fā)展循環(huán)經(jīng)濟(jì)，推動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)建設(shè)、政治建設(shè)、文化建設(shè)、社會(huì)建設(shè)全面發(fā)展。我們將堅(jiān)定不移地高舉和平、發(fā)展、合作的旗幟，堅(jiān)持走和平發(fā)展道路，堅(jiān)持對(duì)外開放的基本國(guó)策，既通過爭(zhēng)取和平的國(guó)際環(huán)境來(lái)發(fā)展自己，又通過自己的發(fā)展來(lái)促進(jìn)世界和平，同世界各國(guó)廣泛開展交流合作，實(shí)現(xiàn)互利共贏。
我們高興地看到，韓國(guó)正在調(diào)整經(jīng)濟(jì)結(jié)構(gòu)、促進(jìn)產(chǎn)業(yè)升級(jí)，為建設(shè)東北亞樞紐國(guó)家和實(shí)現(xiàn)人均國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值__0美元的目標(biāo)而努力。中韓兩國(guó)各自的發(fā)展為兩國(guó)深化各領(lǐng)域合作創(chuàng)造了新的機(jī)遇、開辟了廣闊前景，中韓關(guān)系發(fā)展有著巨大的潛力。我們雙方應(yīng)該共同努力，利用好機(jī)遇，應(yīng)對(duì)好挑戰(zhàn)，不斷開創(chuàng)中韓友好合作的新局面。
昨天下午，我同盧武鉉總統(tǒng)就進(jìn)一步深化兩國(guó)全面合作伙伴關(guān)系深入交換了意見，達(dá)成了廣泛共識(shí)，雙方確定了一系列新的交流合作領(lǐng)域和項(xiàng)目。我相信，這必將為兩國(guó)關(guān)系發(fā)展注入新的動(dòng)力。
為了進(jìn)一步發(fā)展兩國(guó)全面合作伙伴關(guān)系，我們雙方應(yīng)該立足現(xiàn)實(shí)、著眼長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)，進(jìn)一步規(guī)劃好兩國(guó)關(guān)系發(fā)展的藍(lán)圖。在這里，我愿就此提出幾點(diǎn)看法。
第一，在政治上，中韓兩國(guó)應(yīng)該成為不同社會(huì)制度國(guó)家和平共處的典范。世界是豐富多彩的。各國(guó)發(fā)展模式和社會(huì)制度的多樣化，以及不同發(fā)展模式和社會(huì)制度之間的取長(zhǎng)補(bǔ)短、交流借鑒，是世界發(fā)展的重要?jiǎng)恿?。雖然中韓的基本國(guó)情、發(fā)展階段、社會(huì)制度不同，但兩國(guó)關(guān)系發(fā)展的實(shí)踐充分證明，只要堅(jiān)持和平共處五項(xiàng)原則，相互理解，相互尊重，相互信任，相互促進(jìn)，妥善處理分歧和問題，不同社會(huì)制度的國(guó)家完全可以和平共處并長(zhǎng)期發(fā)展友好合作。
第二，在經(jīng)濟(jì)上，中韓兩國(guó)應(yīng)該成為互利共贏、共同發(fā)展的伙伴。雙方應(yīng)該繼續(xù)挖掘潛力，不斷開拓新的合作領(lǐng)域、提升合作水平。中韓經(jīng)貿(mào)合作中長(zhǎng)期發(fā)展規(guī)劃聯(lián)合研究報(bào)告已經(jīng)出臺(tái)，為今后一個(gè)時(shí)期擴(kuò)大雙方經(jīng)貿(mào)合作提供了科學(xué)依據(jù)。昨天，我和盧武鉉總統(tǒng)商定，雙方共同努力，爭(zhēng)取到__年也就是中韓建交20周年時(shí)使兩國(guó)年貿(mào)易額達(dá)到__億美元。這是一個(gè)具有挑戰(zhàn)性的目標(biāo)，也是一個(gè)經(jīng)過努力完全有可能達(dá)到的目標(biāo)。我相信，只要雙方本著互利共贏的原則，堅(jiān)持不懈地努力，加強(qiáng)互利合作，一定能夠?yàn)榇龠M(jìn)兩國(guó)共同發(fā)展繁榮取得更加豐碩的成果，更好地造福兩國(guó)人民。
第三，在人文上，中韓兩國(guó)應(yīng)該成為相互學(xué)習(xí)、相互促進(jìn)的朋友。加強(qiáng)文化、教育、科技等領(lǐng)域的交流和借鑒，實(shí)現(xiàn)相互補(bǔ)充、相得益彰，對(duì)我們各自國(guó)家的發(fā)展和兩國(guó)關(guān)系的發(fā)展都具有重要促進(jìn)作用。我們已商定把__年即中韓建交15周年定為"中韓交流年"，并就加強(qiáng)兩國(guó)青年交流及其他一系列交流活動(dòng)達(dá)成共識(shí)。我們雙方應(yīng)該積極開拓合作的新領(lǐng)域，使交流合作的形式更加多樣、內(nèi)容更加豐富，為兩國(guó)關(guān)系發(fā)展注入更多活力。
第四，在國(guó)際事務(wù)上，中韓兩國(guó)應(yīng)該成為促進(jìn)人類和平與發(fā)展的力量。我們兩國(guó)在許多重大國(guó)際和地區(qū)問題上有著廣泛共識(shí)，在半島和平與發(fā)展的問題上肩負(fù)著重要責(zé)任。在世界多極化和經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化的趨勢(shì)深入發(fā)展的今天，中韓關(guān)系已超越雙邊范疇。因此，我們?cè)诶^續(xù)深化雙邊關(guān)系的同時(shí)，應(yīng)該主動(dòng)適應(yīng)國(guó)際形勢(shì)的發(fā)展變化，立足亞洲，放眼世界，共同致力于維護(hù)世界和平、促進(jìn)共同發(fā)展。
女士們、先生們、朋友們！
我們所處的亞洲地區(qū)正經(jīng)歷著復(fù)雜而深刻的變化。求和平、促發(fā)展、謀合作是亞洲各國(guó)人民的共同愿望，也是亞洲各國(guó)的前途所在。亞洲的振興和發(fā)展，既面臨著歷史性機(jī)遇，也面臨著嚴(yán)峻挑戰(zhàn)。面對(duì)機(jī)遇和挑戰(zhàn)并存、困難和希望同在的新形勢(shì)，如何共同構(gòu)建一個(gè)政治上和睦相處、經(jīng)濟(jì)上平等互利、安全上互信協(xié)作、文化上交流互鑒的和諧亞洲，是擺在亞洲各國(guó)政府和人民面前的一個(gè)重大課題。中韓兩國(guó)都是亞洲的重要國(guó)家，應(yīng)該在亞洲和平與發(fā)展的事業(yè)中發(fā)揮積極作用。當(dāng)前和今后一個(gè)時(shí)期，我們應(yīng)該在以下幾個(gè)方面共同作出努力。
一是要增進(jìn)相互信任，營(yíng)造和睦環(huán)境。亞洲是一個(gè)多樣化的地區(qū)，各國(guó)意識(shí)形態(tài)、政治制度、文化背景、發(fā)展水平和彼此關(guān)切各不相同，新舊問題縱橫交錯(cuò)。亞洲各國(guó)唯有相互尊重、坦誠(chéng)相待、求同存異、互諒互讓，才能共同營(yíng)造一個(gè)和諧的政治環(huán)境、和平的安全環(huán)境。
二是要推動(dòng)區(qū)域合作，加快發(fā)展步伐。推動(dòng)區(qū)域合作，對(duì)亞洲國(guó)家的發(fā)展十分重要。亞洲各國(guó)應(yīng)該本著相互尊重、協(xié)商一致、循序漸進(jìn)、互利共贏的原則，不斷創(chuàng)新合作思路、拓寬合作渠道，探索出一條符合本地區(qū)實(shí)際的區(qū)域合作之路。去年舉行的東盟與中韓日領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人會(huì)議確定了建設(shè)東亞共同體的長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)目標(biāo)，標(biāo)志著區(qū)域合作進(jìn)入了新的發(fā)展階段。我們應(yīng)該支持在能源、基建、環(huán)保、金融、農(nóng)業(yè)等重點(diǎn)領(lǐng)域建立健全多邊合作機(jī)制，努力形成優(yōu)勢(shì)互補(bǔ)、多元開放的合作格局。我們應(yīng)該推動(dòng)本地區(qū)各種合作機(jī)制相互交流、相互補(bǔ)充、相互促進(jìn)。我們還應(yīng)該利用本地區(qū)國(guó)家經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展階段的差異，積極引導(dǎo)產(chǎn)業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)移，形成平等互利的產(chǎn)業(yè)合作鏈條，實(shí)
國(guó)會(huì)演講稿 模板2
閱讀小貼士：模板2共計(jì)1913個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)5分鐘。朗讀需要10分鐘，中速朗讀13分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要18分鐘，有166位用戶喜歡。
美國(guó)第32任總統(tǒng)富蘭克林·d·羅斯福(franklin d. roosevelt )(1933—1945)，一直被視為美國(guó)歷史上最偉大的總統(tǒng)之一，是20世紀(jì)美國(guó)最孚眾望和受愛戴的總統(tǒng)，也是美國(guó)歷史上惟一連任4屆總統(tǒng)的人，從1933年3月起，直到1945年4月去世時(shí)為止，任職長(zhǎng)達(dá)12年。曾贏得美國(guó)民眾長(zhǎng)達(dá)7周的高支持率，創(chuàng)下歷史記錄。
富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福出生于紐約。父親詹姆斯·羅斯福是一個(gè)百萬(wàn)富翁。母親薩拉·德拉諾比父親小26歲。羅斯福曾就讀于哈佛大學(xué)和哥倫比亞大學(xué)。1910年任紐約州參議員。1913年任海軍部副部長(zhǎng)。1921年因患脊髓灰質(zhì)炎致殘。1928年任紐約州長(zhǎng)。1932年競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)獲勝。執(zhí)政后，以"新政"對(duì)付經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)，頗有成效，故獲得1936年、1940年、1944年大選連任。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)初，美國(guó)采取不介入政策，但對(duì)希特勒采取強(qiáng)硬手段，以"租借法"支持同盟國(guó)。1941年底，美國(guó)參戰(zhàn)。羅斯福代表美國(guó)兩次參加同盟國(guó)"三巨頭"會(huì)議。羅斯福政府提出了軸心國(guó)必須無(wú)條件投降的原則并得到了實(shí)施。羅斯福提出了建立聯(lián)合國(guó)的構(gòu)想，也得到了實(shí)施。63歲時(shí)由于腦溢血去世。
很多網(wǎng)友相信都看過電影《珍珠港》(pearl harbor)，第二次世界大戰(zhàn)在歐亞大陸打的如火如荼，而跨海相隔的美國(guó)卻隔岸觀火，仿佛事不關(guān)己。直到1941年12月7日早晨7點(diǎn)53分，日本突襲美軍在夏威夷的基地珍珠港。次日，美國(guó)總統(tǒng)羅斯福在國(guó)會(huì)憤然發(fā)表了這篇的演說(shuō)，至此，太平洋戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)全面爆發(fā)。
yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.
昨天，1941年12月7日──它將永遠(yuǎn)成為國(guó)恥日──美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)遭到了日本帝國(guó)?？哲婎A(yù)謀的突然襲擊。
yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.
last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.
last night, japanese forces attacked guam.
last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.
last night, the japanese attacked wake island.
and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.
昨天日本政府也發(fā)動(dòng)了對(duì)馬來(lái)地區(qū)的進(jìn)攻。
昨夜日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了香港。
昨夜日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻關(guān)島。
昨夜日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻菲律賓群島。
昨夜日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻威克島。
今晨日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了中途島。
演講全文：pearl harbor address to the nation
mr. vice president, mr. speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives:
yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.
the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.
indeed, one hour after japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the american island of oahu, the japanese ambassador to the united states and his colleague delivered to our secretary of state a formal reply to a recent american message. and while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the e_isting diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.
it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and e_pressions of hope for continued peace.
the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces. i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost. in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco and honolulu.
yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.
last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.
last night, japanese forces attacked guam.
last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.
last night, the japanese attacked wake island.
and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.
japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive e_tending throughout the pacific area. the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
as commander in chief of the army and navy, i have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. but always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.
no matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the american people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.
i believe that i interpret the will of the congress and of the people when i assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.
hostilities e_ist. there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.
with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us god.
i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has e_isted between the united states and the japanese empire.
國(guó)會(huì)演講稿 模板3
閱讀小貼士：模板3共計(jì)7151個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)18分鐘。朗讀需要36分鐘，中速朗讀48分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要66分鐘，有233位用戶喜歡。
道格拉斯·麥克阿瑟(douglas macarthur)，美國(guó)陸軍五星上將。出生于阿肯色州小石城的軍人世家。1899年中學(xué)畢業(yè)后考入西點(diǎn)軍校，1903年以名列第一的優(yōu)異成績(jī)畢業(yè)，到工程兵部隊(duì)任職，并赴菲律賓執(zhí)勤。麥克阿瑟有過50年的軍事實(shí)踐經(jīng)驗(yàn)，被美國(guó)國(guó)民稱之為"一代老兵"，而其自身的又曾是"美國(guó)最年輕的準(zhǔn)將、西點(diǎn)軍校最年輕的校長(zhǎng)、美國(guó)陸軍歷史上最年輕的陸軍參謀長(zhǎng)"，憑借精妙的軍事謀略和敢戰(zhàn)敢勝的膽略，麥克阿瑟堪稱美國(guó)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)史上的奇才。
提起這句話："老兵永遠(yuǎn)不死，只會(huì)慢慢凋零"（old soldiers never die, they just fade away），就不由得想起那個(gè)叼著玉米棒子煙斗的麥克阿瑟，和他在1951年4月19日被解職后在國(guó)會(huì)大廈發(fā)表的題為《老兵不死》著名演講。
我即將結(jié)束五十二年的軍旅生涯。我從軍是在本世紀(jì)開始之前，而這是我童年的希望與夢(mèng)想的實(shí)現(xiàn)。自從我在西點(diǎn)軍校的教練場(chǎng)上宣誓以來(lái)，這個(gè)世界已經(jīng)過多次變化，而我的希望與夢(mèng)想早已消逝，但我仍記著當(dāng)時(shí)最流行的一首軍歌詞，極為自豪地宣示"老兵永遠(yuǎn)不死，只會(huì)慢慢凋零"。
i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but i still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
就像這首歌中的老兵，一位想盡一已之責(zé)的老兵，而上帝也賜予光輝使他能看清這一項(xiàng)責(zé)任，而我現(xiàn)在結(jié)束了軍旅生涯，而逐漸凋謝。
and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see that duty.
演講全文：macarthur: farewell address to congress
mr. president, mr. speaker, and distinguished members of the congress:
i stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great american architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. i do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. they must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. i trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which i have to say as solely e_pressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow american.
i address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. the issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. while asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to europe, it is no less true that europe is the gateway to asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. there are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. i can think of no greater e_pression of defeatism. if a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. the communist threat is a global one. its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. you can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in europe.
beyond pointing out these general truisms, i shall confine my discussion to the general areas of asia. before one may objectively assess the situation now e_isting there, he must comprehend something of asia"s past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. long e_ploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the philippines, the peoples of asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
mustering half of the earth"s population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of asian progress and it may not be stopped. it is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
in this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. what they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war"s wake. world ideologies play little part in asian thinking and are little understood. what the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. these political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the pacific ocean in the course of the past war. prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the united states lay on the literal line of the americas, with an e_posed island salient e_tending out through hawaii, midway, and guam to the philippines. that salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
the pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. all this was changed by our pacific victory. our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire pacific ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the americas and all free lands of the pacific ocean area. we control it to the shores of asia by a chain of islands e_tending in an arc from the aleutians to the mariannas held by us and our free allies. from this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every asiatic port from vladivostok to singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as i said, from vladivostok to singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the pacific.
any predatory attack from asia must be an amphibious effort._ no amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. with naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental asia toward us or our friends in the pacific would be doomed to failure.
under such conditions, the pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. it assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and e_pense. it envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. the holding of this literal defense line in the western pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
this is a military estimate as to which i have yet to find a military leader who will take e_ception. for that reason, i have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must formosa fall under communist control. such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the philippines and the loss of japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of california, oregon and washington.
to understand the changes which now appear upon the chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. china, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. the war-making tendency was almost non-e_istent, as they still followed the tenets of the confucian ideal of pacifist culture. at the turn of the century, under the regime of chang tso lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. this was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of chiang kai-shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
through these past 50 years the chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. they now constitute e_cellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. this has produced a new and dominant power in asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with soviet russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for e_pansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
there is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the chinese make-up. the standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.
i have from the beginning believed that the chinese communists" support of the north koreans was the dominant one. their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the soviet. but i believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in korea but also in indo-china and tibet and pointing potentially toward the south reflects predominantly the same lust for the e_pansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.
the japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. with a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war"s wake, erected in japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
politically, economically, and socially japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. that it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. i sent all four of our occupation divisions to the korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon japan. the results fully justified my faith. i know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
of our former ward, the philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the e_isting unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war"s terrible destructiveness. we must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. a christian nation, the philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of christianity in the far east, and its capacity for high moral leadership in asia is unlimited.
on formosa, the government of the republic of china has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the chinese mainland. the formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
with this brief insight into the surrounding areas, i now turn to the korean conflict. while i was not consulted prior to the president"s decision to intervene in support of the republic of korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when red china intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
this created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the north korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.
such decisions have not been forthcoming.
while no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental china, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
apart from the military need, as i saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the yalu, i felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against china; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the china coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of china"s coastal areas and of manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of china on formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.
for entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless american and allied lives, i have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the korean campaign, including our own joint chiefs of staff.
i called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. i made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly chinese force of some 600,000 men on formosa, if not permitted to blockade the china coast to prevent the chinese reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.
we could hold in korea by constant maneuver and in an appro_imate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. i have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
efforts have been made to distort my position. it has been said, in effect, that i was a warmonger. nothing could be further from the truth. i know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. i have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. indeed, on the second day of september, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the japanese nation on the battleship missouri, i formally cautioned as follows:
"men since the beginning of time have
sought peace. various methods through the
ages have been attempted to devise an
international process to prevent or settle
disputes between nations. from the very
start workable methods were found in so
far as individual citizens were concerned,
but the mechanics of an instrumentality of
larger international scope have never
been successful. military alliances,
balances of power, leagues of nations,
all in turn failed, leaving the only path to
be by way of the crucible of war. the
utter destructiveness of war now blocks
out this alternative. we have had our last
chance. if we will not devise some
greater and more equitable system,
armageddon will be at our door. the
problem basically is theological and
involves a spiritual recrudescence and
improvement of human character that will
synchronize with our almost matchless
advances in science, art, literature, and all
material and cultural developments of
the past 2000 years. it must be of the spirit
if we are to save the flesh."
but once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
war"s very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
in war there is no substitute for victory.
there are some who, for varying reasons, would appease red china. they are blind to history"s clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. it points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" i could not answer.
some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with china; others, to avoid soviet intervention. neither e_planation seems valid, for china is already engaging with the ma_imum power it can commit, and the soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
the tragedy of korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. it condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy"s sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
of the nations of the world, korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. the magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the korean people defies description.
they have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. their last words to me were: "don"t scuttle the pacific!"
i have just left your fighting sons in korea. they have met all tests there, and i can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
it was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and an_iety.
those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.
i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but i still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see that duty.
good bye.
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尊敬的農(nóng)德孟____，尊敬的陳德良主席，尊敬的潘文凱總理，尊敬的阮文安國(guó)會(huì)主席，同志們，朋友們：
首先，我要感謝農(nóng)德孟____、陳德良主席的盛情邀請(qǐng)，使我有機(jī)會(huì)再次訪問越南。我曾于1998年和__年兩次訪問過你們美麗的國(guó)家，這次是第三次來(lái)訪。每次訪問，我都親眼目睹了越南在社會(huì)主義建設(shè)和革新事業(yè)中取得的新成果，深深感受到越南人民對(duì)中國(guó)人民的深情厚意。在這里，我謹(jǐn)代表中國(guó)黨、政府、人民，向越南黨、政府、人民，致以誠(chéng)摯的問候和良好的祝愿！
今年，是越南共產(chǎn)黨建立75周年、越南社會(huì)主義共和國(guó)成立60周年、越南實(shí)現(xiàn)國(guó)家統(tǒng)一30周年。長(zhǎng)期以來(lái)，在越南共產(chǎn)黨領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，越南人民堅(jiān)持把馬克思主義基本原理同本國(guó)具體實(shí)際相結(jié)合，經(jīng)過艱苦奮斗，實(shí)現(xiàn)了民族解放和國(guó)家統(tǒng)一，建立起社會(huì)主義制度，開創(chuàng)了越南歷史的新紀(jì)元。特別是上個(gè)世紀(jì)80年代中期以來(lái)，越南人民在探索符合越南國(guó)情的社會(huì)主義發(fā)展道路、實(shí)行革新事業(yè)上取得了令人矚目的成就。今天的越南，社會(huì)政治穩(wěn)定，經(jīng)濟(jì)文化發(fā)展，人民安居樂業(yè)，國(guó)際地位提高，呈現(xiàn)出欣欣向榮的景象。中國(guó)黨、政府、人民為越南黨、政府、人民取得的成就感到由衷的高興，相信在越南共產(chǎn)黨領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，越南人民一定能夠把自己的國(guó)家建設(shè)成為民富國(guó)強(qiáng)、社會(huì)公平、民主、文明的社會(huì)主義現(xiàn)代化工業(yè)國(guó)家。
同志們、朋友們！
作為親密的同志，正像我們十分關(guān)注越南發(fā)展的情況一樣，在座各位越南同志也關(guān)心中國(guó)發(fā)展的情況。在這里，我想向各位做扼要的介紹，以利于雙方加強(qiáng)治黨治國(guó)經(jīng)驗(yàn)的交流。
今年，是中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨建立84周年、中華人民共和國(guó)成立56周年、中國(guó)實(shí)行改革開放27周年。長(zhǎng)期以來(lái)，在中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，中國(guó)人民堅(jiān)持以馬克思列寧主義、毛澤東思想、鄧小平理論和"三個(gè)代表"重要思想為指導(dǎo)，堅(jiān)持獨(dú)立自主、改革開放、與時(shí)俱進(jìn)，不斷完善社會(huì)主義制度，不斷探索和發(fā)展中國(guó)特色社會(huì)主義事業(yè)，使中國(guó)的面貌發(fā)生了天翻地覆的變化，社會(huì)生產(chǎn)力、綜合國(guó)力和人民生活水平不斷提高。從1978年到__年的26年間，中國(guó)國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值從1473億美元增長(zhǎng)到16494億美元，年均增長(zhǎng)9.4%；進(jìn)出口總額從206億美元增長(zhǎng)到11548億美元，年均增長(zhǎng)超過16%。__年底，中國(guó)累計(jì)實(shí)際利用外商直接投資額達(dá)到5621億美元。今年1月至9月，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)繼續(xù)平穩(wěn)較快發(fā)展，國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值達(dá)到12897億美元，同比增長(zhǎng)9.4%；進(jìn)出口總額達(dá)到10245億美元，同比增長(zhǎng)23.7%。中國(guó)所以能夠發(fā)生這樣巨大的變化，關(guān)鍵是我們找到了建設(shè)中國(guó)特色社會(huì)主義這條適合中國(guó)國(guó)情的發(fā)展道路。
同時(shí)，我們也清醒地看到，中國(guó)仍是世界上最大的發(fā)展中國(guó)家，人口多、底子薄，發(fā)展很不平衡，在發(fā)展進(jìn)程中還面臨著不少突出的矛盾和問題。要實(shí)現(xiàn)全面建設(shè)小康社會(huì)的目標(biāo)，需要我們繼續(xù)付出艱苦的努力。
中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨第十六次全國(guó)代表大會(huì)提出了在本世紀(jì)頭20年集中力量全面建設(shè)惠及十幾億人口的更高水平的小康社會(huì)的目標(biāo)。這個(gè)目標(biāo)，具體說(shuō)來(lái)，就是要使中國(guó)國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值到2024年比__年翻兩番，達(dá)到40000億美元左右，人均達(dá)到3000美元左右，使經(jīng)濟(jì)更加發(fā)展、民主更加健全、科教更加進(jìn)步、文化更加繁榮、社會(huì)更加和諧、人民生活更加殷實(shí)。前不久，中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨召開了__屆五中全會(huì)，審議通過了關(guān)于制定"__"時(shí)期中國(guó)國(guó)民經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)發(fā)展規(guī)劃的建議，提出了中國(guó)"__"時(shí)期經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展的指導(dǎo)思想、重要原則、主要任務(wù)和重大舉措。中國(guó)各族人民正在為實(shí)現(xiàn)全面建設(shè)小康社會(huì)的宏偉目標(biāo)而奮斗。
在實(shí)踐中我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，要實(shí)現(xiàn)中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)又快又好發(fā)展，必須落實(shí)好以下幾個(gè)方面的工作。
第一，要堅(jiān)持以科學(xué)發(fā)展觀統(tǒng)領(lǐng)經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展全局。要順利推進(jìn)改革開放，實(shí)現(xiàn)中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)持續(xù)快速協(xié)調(diào)健康發(fā)展，關(guān)鍵是要牢固樹立和全面落實(shí)以人為本、全面協(xié)調(diào)可持續(xù)的科學(xué)發(fā)展觀，把科學(xué)發(fā)展觀貫穿于經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展的全過程，落實(shí)到經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展的各個(gè)環(huán)節(jié)。我們既要堅(jiān)定不移地推進(jìn)發(fā)展，又要堅(jiān)持科學(xué)發(fā)展。要統(tǒng)籌城鄉(xiāng)發(fā)展，統(tǒng)籌區(qū)域發(fā)展，統(tǒng)籌經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展，統(tǒng)籌人與自然和諧發(fā)展，統(tǒng)籌國(guó)內(nèi)發(fā)展和對(duì)外開放，走科技含量高、經(jīng)濟(jì)效益好、資源消耗低、環(huán)境污染少、人力資源優(yōu)勢(shì)得到充分發(fā)揮的新型工業(yè)化道路，實(shí)現(xiàn)生產(chǎn)發(fā)展、生活富裕、生態(tài)良好。我們強(qiáng)調(diào)以人為本，就是要堅(jiān)持發(fā)展為了人民、發(fā)展依靠人民、發(fā)展成果由人民共享，堅(jiān)持人民群眾在建設(shè)中國(guó)特色社會(huì)主義事業(yè)中的主體地位，堅(jiān)持把改善人民生活作為經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展的目的和歸宿，堅(jiān)持權(quán)為民所用、情為民所系、利為民所謀，切實(shí)保障人民群眾的經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治、文化權(quán)益，形成全體人民團(tuán)結(jié)奮斗的強(qiáng)大力量。
第二，要促進(jìn)社會(huì)主義政治文明、精神文明建設(shè)與物質(zhì)文明建設(shè)協(xié)調(diào)發(fā)展。我們強(qiáng)調(diào)，中國(guó)特色社會(huì)主義是全面發(fā)展的事業(yè)。在推進(jìn)物質(zhì)文明建設(shè)的同時(shí)，必須堅(jiān)持不懈地抓好社會(huì)主義政治文明、精神文明建設(shè)。要把堅(jiān)持黨的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)、人民當(dāng)家作主和依法治國(guó)有機(jī)統(tǒng)一起來(lái)，積極穩(wěn)妥地推進(jìn)政治體制改革，健全民主制度，擴(kuò)大公民有序的政治參與，貫徹依法治國(guó)的基本方略，建設(shè)社會(huì)主義法治國(guó)家，保證人民依法實(shí)行民主選舉、民主決策、民主管理、民主監(jiān)督。要把握社會(huì)主義先進(jìn)文化的前進(jìn)方向，大力弘揚(yáng)以愛國(guó)主義____民族精神和以改革創(chuàng)新____時(shí)代精神，提高全民族的思想道德素質(zhì)和科學(xué)文化素質(zhì)，為改革開放和現(xiàn)代化建設(shè)提供強(qiáng)大的思想保證、精神動(dòng)力和智力支持。
第三，要著力構(gòu)建社會(huì)主義和諧社會(huì)。社會(huì)和諧是我們的事業(yè)不斷發(fā)展和取得成功的重要條件。我們所要建設(shè)的社會(huì)主義和諧社會(huì)，是一個(gè)民主法治、公平正義、誠(chéng)信友愛、充滿活力、安定有序、人與自然和諧相處的社會(huì)。我們強(qiáng)調(diào)，要從解決群眾最關(guān)心的現(xiàn)實(shí)問題入手，積極擴(kuò)大就業(yè)，加快完善社會(huì)保障體系，注重保障貧困人口的基本生活，加大調(diào)節(jié)收入分配的力度，推進(jìn)社會(huì)管理體制創(chuàng)新，正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾，妥善協(xié)調(diào)利益關(guān)系，保障人民群眾安居樂業(yè)，扎扎實(shí)實(shí)推進(jìn)和諧社會(huì)建設(shè)。
第四，要大力加強(qiáng)黨的執(zhí)政能力建設(shè)和先進(jìn)性建設(shè)。我們黨從自身的執(zhí)政實(shí)踐中深刻認(rèn)識(shí)到，執(zhí)政能力建設(shè)是黨執(zhí)政后的一項(xiàng)根本建設(shè)，黨的先進(jìn)性建設(shè)是馬克思主義政黨保持先進(jìn)性的根本途徑。要通過加強(qiáng)執(zhí)政能力建設(shè)和先進(jìn)性建設(shè)，不斷提高駕馭社會(huì)主義市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的能力、發(fā)展社會(huì)主義民主政治的能力、建設(shè)社會(huì)主義先進(jìn)文化的能力、構(gòu)建社會(huì)主義和諧社會(huì)的能力、應(yīng)對(duì)國(guó)際局勢(shì)和處理國(guó)際事務(wù)的能力，使我們黨保持與時(shí)俱進(jìn)的品質(zhì)、始終走在時(shí)代前列，不斷提高執(zhí)政能力、鞏固執(zhí)政地位、完成執(zhí)政使命，更好地堅(jiān)持立黨為公、執(zhí)政為民，更好地實(shí)現(xiàn)科學(xué)執(zhí)政、民主執(zhí)政、依法執(zhí)政。
同志們、朋友們！
國(guó)際形勢(shì)正在發(fā)生復(fù)雜而深刻的變化。和平與發(fā)展仍然是當(dāng)今時(shí)代的主題，世界多極化和經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化的趨勢(shì)深入發(fā)展，國(guó)際關(guān)系民主化繼續(xù)推進(jìn)，世界經(jīng)濟(jì)保持增長(zhǎng)勢(shì)頭，科技進(jìn)步日新月異，國(guó)際產(chǎn)業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)移和生產(chǎn)要素流動(dòng)加快，各國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的相互依存和相互合作不斷加深。這些都給我們帶來(lái)了難得的發(fā)展機(jī)遇。同時(shí)，我們也面臨著嚴(yán)峻的挑戰(zhàn)，局部戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和沖突時(shí)起時(shí)伏，南北差距進(jìn)一步拉大，恐怖勢(shì)力、極端勢(shì)力、分裂勢(shì)力在一些地區(qū)還相當(dāng)猖獗，環(huán)境污染、毒品走私、跨國(guó)犯罪、嚴(yán)重傳染性疾病等跨國(guó)性問題十分突出。在這種機(jī)遇和挑戰(zhàn)并存的國(guó)際形勢(shì)下，世界各國(guó)應(yīng)該加強(qiáng)合作，把握機(jī)遇，應(yīng)對(duì)挑戰(zhàn)，共同為建設(shè)一個(gè)持久和平、共同繁榮的和諧世界而努力。
中國(guó)外交政策的宗旨是維護(hù)世界和平、促進(jìn)共同發(fā)展。中國(guó)將高舉和平、發(fā)展、合作的旗幟，堅(jiān)持獨(dú)立自主的和平外交政策，堅(jiān)定不移地走和平發(fā)展道路，堅(jiān)持在和平共處五項(xiàng)原則的基礎(chǔ)上同所有國(guó)家發(fā)展關(guān)系，同國(guó)際社會(huì)一道致力于人類和平與發(fā)展的崇高事業(yè)。我們主張，順應(yīng)歷史潮流，積極促進(jìn)世界多極化，積極促進(jìn)經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化朝著有利于實(shí)現(xiàn)共同繁榮的方向發(fā)展，推動(dòng)建立公正合理的國(guó)際政治經(jīng)濟(jì)新秩序；維護(hù)世界多樣性，提倡國(guó)際關(guān)系民主化和發(fā)展模式多樣化，國(guó)家不分大小、強(qiáng)弱、貧富一律平等，支持世界各種文明、不同社會(huì)制度和發(fā)展道路在競(jìng)爭(zhēng)比較中取長(zhǎng)補(bǔ)短、在求同存異____同發(fā)展；樹立互信、互利、平等、協(xié)作的新安全觀，通過對(duì)話和合作解決爭(zhēng)端，反對(duì)訴諸武力或以武力相威脅，反對(duì)各種形式的霸權(quán)主義和強(qiáng)權(quán)政治，反對(duì)一切形式的恐怖主義。
中國(guó)的發(fā)展是和平的發(fā)展、開放的發(fā)展、合作的發(fā)展，既通過爭(zhēng)取和平的國(guó)際環(huán)境來(lái)發(fā)展自己，又通過自己的發(fā)展來(lái)促進(jìn)世界和平。中國(guó)將堅(jiān)持把擴(kuò)大內(nèi)需作為經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展的基本立足點(diǎn)和長(zhǎng)期戰(zhàn)略方針，同時(shí)堅(jiān)持對(duì)外開放的基本國(guó)策，實(shí)施互利共贏的開放戰(zhàn)略，同世界各國(guó)廣泛開展交流合作。中國(guó)的發(fā)展不會(huì)妨礙任何人，更不會(huì)威脅任何人，只會(huì)有利于世界的和平、穩(wěn)定、繁榮。
亞洲是我們共同的家園。中國(guó)的發(fā)展離不開亞洲，中國(guó)的發(fā)展是亞洲振興的重要組成部分。我們歷來(lái)主張，亞洲各國(guó)應(yīng)該在政治上和睦相處、經(jīng)濟(jì)上互利合作、安全上互信協(xié)作、文化上相互促進(jìn)。中國(guó)將堅(jiān)定地奉行與鄰為善、以鄰為伴的周邊外交方針和睦鄰、安鄰、富鄰的周邊外交政策
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尊敬的德里隆參議長(zhǎng)，尊敬的德貝內(nèi)西亞眾議長(zhǎng)，各位議員，女士們，先生們，朋友們：
菲律賓是中國(guó)的友好鄰邦。中國(guó)人民對(duì)勤勞智慧的菲律賓人民一向懷有深厚的感情。首先，我愿借這個(gè)莊嚴(yán)的講臺(tái)，向菲律賓人民轉(zhuǎn)達(dá)中國(guó)人民的誠(chéng)摯問候和良好祝愿。
中國(guó)和菲律賓一水相隔、比鄰而居，兩國(guó)人民的傳統(tǒng)友誼源遠(yuǎn)流長(zhǎng)。早在1000多年前，中菲兩國(guó)就開始貿(mào)易往來(lái)。500多年前，蘇祿國(guó)王帶著菲律賓人民的美好愿望踏上前往中國(guó)的友誼之路，在中菲友好史上留下了膾炙人口的佳話。100多年前，中國(guó)沿海許多居民漂洋過海來(lái)到菲律賓，同當(dāng)?shù)厝嗣窈湍老嗵?、休戚與共，結(jié)下了兄弟般的深厚友情。中菲友誼經(jīng)受住了時(shí)間和歷史的考驗(yàn)，已成為兩國(guó)人民共同擁有的寶貴財(cái)富。
今年是中菲建交30周年，值得我們兩國(guó)和兩國(guó)人民共同紀(jì)念。我高興地看到，在雙方共同努力下，中菲關(guān)系取得了長(zhǎng)足發(fā)展，政治互信明顯增強(qiáng)，經(jīng)貿(mào)合作成果顯著，文化交流日益密切，人員往來(lái)大幅增加。中菲兩國(guó)在南海共同開發(fā)方面率先取得突破性進(jìn)展，為使南海成為友誼之海、合作之海邁出了難能可貴的一步。正如阿羅約總統(tǒng)所說(shuō)，中菲關(guān)系正處在發(fā)展的黃金時(shí)期。我完全贊同她的這一看法。我們一致同意，在兩國(guó)和兩國(guó)人民長(zhǎng)期友好的基礎(chǔ)上，積極建立中菲致力于和平與發(fā)展的戰(zhàn)略性合作關(guān)系。
中菲建交30年的實(shí)踐表明，政治互信是中菲關(guān)系發(fā)展的重要基礎(chǔ)，互利合作是中菲關(guān)系發(fā)展的強(qiáng)大動(dòng)力，維護(hù)和平、共同發(fā)展是中菲關(guān)系發(fā)展的戰(zhàn)略方向。兩國(guó)應(yīng)該加強(qiáng)各層次、各領(lǐng)域的人員交流，特別是保持政府、議會(huì)、政黨領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的互訪和交往，弘揚(yáng)中菲傳統(tǒng)友誼，不斷增進(jìn)相互了解和信任。
中菲都是發(fā)展中國(guó)家，發(fā)展經(jīng)濟(jì)是我們兩國(guó)的首要任務(wù)。加強(qiáng)互利合作，不僅是中菲兩國(guó)自身發(fā)展的需要，而且有利于拓展兩國(guó)的共同利益，為中菲關(guān)系發(fā)展源源不斷地注入強(qiáng)大動(dòng)力。近年來(lái)，中菲經(jīng)貿(mào)合作取得的成果表明，兩國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)互補(bǔ)性很強(qiáng)，合作潛力巨大。雙方應(yīng)該充分發(fā)揮各自優(yōu)勢(shì)，進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)大貿(mào)易合作，加強(qiáng)在農(nóng)業(yè)、漁業(yè)、基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施建設(shè)、礦產(chǎn)資源開發(fā)、旅游等領(lǐng)域的合作，努力將中菲經(jīng)貿(mào)合作推向更高水平。
回顧過去，中菲關(guān)系碩果累累；展望未來(lái)，中菲合作大有可為。我們?cè)竿坡少e各界朋友一道，承前啟后，繼往開來(lái)，共同開創(chuàng)中菲關(guān)系更加美好的明天。
女士們、先生們！
中菲都地處亞洲，亞洲是我們共同的家園，亞洲的興盛關(guān)系到我們的共同命運(yùn)。亞洲國(guó)家在維護(hù)地區(qū)和平、促進(jìn)共同發(fā)展方面有著廣泛共識(shí)，這決定了本地區(qū)國(guó)家間關(guān)系總體上是穩(wěn)定的，協(xié)調(diào)和合作已成為多數(shù)國(guó)家的政策取向。當(dāng)然，我們也要看到，恐怖主義、分裂主義和宗教極端勢(shì)力仍然是威脅亞洲地區(qū)和平穩(wěn)定的不確定因素，發(fā)展不平衡、貧困、傳染性疾病等問題仍然使亞洲經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展面臨嚴(yán)峻的挑戰(zhàn)。
發(fā)展是亞洲的首要任務(wù)。歷史上，亞洲人民百折不撓，為謀求發(fā)展進(jìn)行了不懈努力。近年來(lái)，亞洲人民用自己的雙手，憑借勤勞智慧和頑強(qiáng)意志，克服了亞洲金融危機(jī)、非典疫病等的嚴(yán)重沖擊，經(jīng)濟(jì)恢復(fù)迅速，增長(zhǎng)勢(shì)頭強(qiáng)勁。目前，亞洲經(jīng)濟(jì)總量已占全球的四分之一，貿(mào)易額占全球的三分之一，繼續(xù)是全球富有強(qiáng)大發(fā)展活力和潛力的地區(qū)。
合作是亞洲的主流。在經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化和區(qū)域一體化的趨勢(shì)深入發(fā)展的進(jìn)程中，亞洲各國(guó)更加深刻地認(rèn)識(shí)到合作的重要性。亞洲區(qū)域合作方興未艾，從東盟、南盟到10+1、10+3、亞洲合作對(duì)話等一系列合作機(jī)制的形成表明，以合作求發(fā)展，以合作促繁榮，已成為亞洲國(guó)家的共同目標(biāo)，也為亞洲發(fā)展展示了更加廣闊的前景。
女士們、先生們！
27年前，在鄧小平先生領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，中國(guó)開始了改革開放的偉大進(jìn)程，走上建設(shè)中國(guó)特色社會(huì)主義道路。27年來(lái)，中國(guó)人民在物質(zhì)文明、政治文明、精神文明建設(shè)方面都取得了世所公認(rèn)的成就，中國(guó)發(fā)生了歷史上最為深刻的變化。從1978年到__年，中國(guó)國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值從1473億美元增長(zhǎng)到16494億美元，年均增長(zhǎng)9.4%；進(jìn)出口總額從206億美元增長(zhǎng)到11548億美元，上升為世界第三位，年均增長(zhǎng)超過16%。農(nóng)村貧困人口從2.5億人減少到2600萬(wàn)人。全面建設(shè)小康社會(huì)是中國(guó)到2024年的奮斗目標(biāo)。我們準(zhǔn)備再用__年時(shí)間，把國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值提高到40000億美元左右，人均提高到3000美元左右，使經(jīng)濟(jì)更加繁榮、民主更加健全、科教更加進(jìn)步、文化更加繁榮、社會(huì)更加和諧、人民生活更加殷實(shí)。
中國(guó)的快速發(fā)展不僅改善了13億中國(guó)人民的生活，也為中國(guó)擴(kuò)大同世界各國(guó)特別是周邊國(guó)家的合作創(chuàng)造了重要機(jī)遇。中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展為東亞經(jīng)濟(jì)提供了一個(gè)最為強(qiáng)勁的引擎，也為周邊國(guó)家提供了一個(gè)增長(zhǎng)最快的出口市場(chǎng)。近年來(lái)，中國(guó)和東盟的年貿(mào)易額一直保持著近30%的增長(zhǎng)速度，__年雙方貿(mào)易額達(dá)到1059億美元。隨著中國(guó)－東盟自由貿(mào)易區(qū)建設(shè)的不斷推進(jìn)，我們完全有信心在__年前實(shí)現(xiàn)中國(guó)和東盟年貿(mào)易額達(dá)到__億美元的目標(biāo)。
中國(guó)一貫致力于促進(jìn)本地區(qū)的和平、穩(wěn)定、繁榮。在應(yīng)對(duì)亞洲金融危機(jī)的過程中，中國(guó)堅(jiān)持人民幣幣值穩(wěn)定，為亞洲國(guó)家最終戰(zhàn)勝危機(jī)盡了自己的責(zé)任。在抗擊非典疫病的過程中，中國(guó)和東盟國(guó)家風(fēng)雨同舟、共度時(shí)艱。在應(yīng)對(duì)印度洋地震海嘯災(zāi)難的過程中，中國(guó)政府和人民同受災(zāi)國(guó)政府和人民心心相系、患難與共，開展了中國(guó)政府迄今為止最大規(guī)模的對(duì)外救援行動(dòng)。
女士們、先生們、朋友們！
親仁善鄰，是中國(guó)千年傳承的優(yōu)良傳統(tǒng)。中國(guó)政府將繼續(xù)奉行"與鄰為善、以鄰為伴"的周邊外交方針和"睦鄰、安鄰、富鄰"的周邊外交政策，堅(jiān)定不移地發(fā)展同包括東盟國(guó)家在內(nèi)的周邊國(guó)家長(zhǎng)期穩(wěn)定的友好合作關(guān)系。
我們高興地看到，中國(guó)－東盟面向和平與繁榮的戰(zhàn)略伙伴關(guān)系發(fā)展勢(shì)頭很好，政治互信明顯增強(qiáng)，合作水平不斷提升。去年底舉行的中國(guó)和東盟領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人會(huì)議，通過了落實(shí)中國(guó)－東盟面向和平與繁榮的戰(zhàn)略伙伴關(guān)系聯(lián)合宣言的行動(dòng)計(jì)劃，對(duì)雙方在各領(lǐng)域的合作作出了詳細(xì)規(guī)劃。這對(duì)充實(shí)中國(guó)－東盟戰(zhàn)略伙伴關(guān)系具有重要意義。中國(guó)愿同東盟一道積極落實(shí)行動(dòng)計(jì)劃，推動(dòng)雙方關(guān)系更加全面、系統(tǒng)、規(guī)范、務(wù)實(shí)地向前發(fā)展。
中國(guó)和東盟將于今年7月全面啟動(dòng)關(guān)稅降稅進(jìn)程，這標(biāo)志著中國(guó)－東盟自由貿(mào)易區(qū)建設(shè)進(jìn)入了一個(gè)新的發(fā)展階段。中方愿同東盟國(guó)家一道繼續(xù)努力，確保自由貿(mào)易區(qū)如期建成。我們也希望同東盟國(guó)家充分發(fā)揮各自優(yōu)勢(shì)，積極推進(jìn)在農(nóng)業(yè)、漁業(yè)、基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施建設(shè)、能源和資源開發(fā)、旅游等領(lǐng)域的合作。中國(guó)政府將繼續(xù)鼓勵(lì)中國(guó)企業(yè)前往東盟國(guó)家投資興業(yè)，積極參加?xùn)|盟東部增長(zhǎng)區(qū)建設(shè)。
中國(guó)堅(jiān)持獨(dú)立自主的和平外交政策，堅(jiān)持走和平發(fā)展的道路，主張樹立互信、互利、平等、協(xié)作的新安全觀，堅(jiān)持通過對(duì)話解決分歧，通過合作促進(jìn)共同安全。我們支持東盟地區(qū)論壇不斷發(fā)展，希望開展區(qū)域內(nèi)安全戰(zhàn)略對(duì)話，并愿同東盟一起落實(shí)《南海各方行為宣言》后續(xù)行動(dòng)，加強(qiáng)雙方在反恐、打擊跨國(guó)犯罪、海上安全、衛(wèi)生防疫、防災(zāi)減災(zāi)等非傳統(tǒng)安全領(lǐng)域的合作。
東盟決定今年底舉辦首次東亞峰會(huì)，這是本地區(qū)合作進(jìn)程中的一件大事，國(guó)際社會(huì)廣泛關(guān)注。中國(guó)將一如既往地尊重東盟共識(shí)，支持東盟在東亞合作進(jìn)程中繼續(xù)發(fā)揮主導(dǎo)作用，同東盟一道推動(dòng)首次東亞峰會(huì)取得成功。
女士們、先生們、朋友們！
發(fā)展同菲律賓等東盟國(guó)家的睦鄰友好合作，實(shí)現(xiàn)中國(guó)和東盟共同發(fā)展繁榮，是中國(guó)政府的既定政策。讓我們攜起手來(lái)，把握機(jī)遇，開拓創(chuàng)新，為譜寫中菲睦鄰友好合作的新篇章、為開創(chuàng)本地區(qū)更加美好的未來(lái)而共同奮斗。
謝謝大家。
